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Kiselev Pavel Dmitrievich- count, Russian statesman (1788 - 1872). He began serving in a cavalry regiment, with which he took part in the Battle of Borodino and in foreign campaigns of 1813 - 1815. Alexander I appointed him as his adjutant and often entrusted important assignments to him. From 1819 - chief of staff of the second army, located in the town of Tulchin, Podolsk province. The future Decembrists Pestel, Burtsev, Basargin, Prince Trubetskoy, and Prince Volkonsky served here under the command of Kiselev. They were on very good terms with Kiselev, but Kiselev did not know about the existence of a secret society. Kiselev’s official position in Tulchin was very difficult. He had many enemies who tried to harm him at every step. The main reason for this were those innovations, for example, the mitigation of corporal punishment, which Kiselev undertook in the second army, and which many did not like, including Arakcheev. In 1823, after an inspection of the army by the emperor, Kiselev was promoted to adjutant general and left in the second army. With her, he took part in the Turkish War of 1828-29, after which he was entrusted with organizing governance in Moldavia and Wallachia. Kiselev remained in Iasi until 1834. In 1835, Kiselev was appointed a member of the State Council and a member of the secret committee for peasant affairs.
The last appointment took place after a long conversation with Emperor Nicholas I, in which Kiselev argued for the need to free the peasants. This idea met with opposition in high society, as a result of which it was decided only to create a special department for state-owned peasants, headed by Kiselev. Such a department was first the V Department of His Imperial Majesty's Own Chancellery, then the Ministry of State Property. The goals set for this reform were broad, namely, to show through the experience of the reform of the management of state peasants “an example for the nobility” in terms of “improvement of the peasants” and thereby “encourage them to agree to change the situation of the serfs.” Under this slogan, Kiselev carried out his reforms in the management of state peasants. However, he did not achieve his “goal” and could not achieve it.
Until this time, the Ministry of Finance was in charge of state peasants. And this was not accidental, for the feudal serf state sought to extort as many taxes as possible from the state peasants.
At that time there were about 10 million state peasants. Their position differed from that of the landowner peasants in that they were exploited not by an individual landowner, but by the class of serf-owners and the serf state as a whole.
State peasants had heavy duties: construction of roads, yam duty, ship duty for cutting and logging, etc. The state took large taxes from them, which represented one of the main sources of treasury income. Some state peasants, especially in Ukraine, worked for tenants of state-owned estates, the so-called possessors, serving a kind of corvee. In connection with the reform carried out by Kiselev, a special ministry of state property was created to manage the state peasants in 1837, headed by himself. Locally - in the provinces - provincial chambers were created, and district commanders were appointed in districts and districts. The districts were divided into volosts with six to eight thousand male peasant population. In the volost, a volost foreman and two assessors were elected. There was a clerk with them. The village assembly, the “peace,” elected a headman in the village.
The volost foreman had administrative rights and could sentence a peasant to a fine of up to 1 ruble, punish him with blows of sticks up to 20 times, and even put him under arrest for up to six days. The elder and the elder were under the direct control of the district royal officials.
Thus, the essence of the reform that Count Kiselev carried out in the management of state peasants came down to strengthening from top to bottom the authorities that controlled the state peasants.
Along with this, the procedure for imposing taxes on peasants was clarified and the system for collecting them was improved. Parish schools were created (the so-called “Kiselevsky schools”). Potato crops were spread and public plowing was introduced.
A positive aspect of Kiselev’s reform was the creation of volost and rural self-governments and an increase in land plots in those villages where there was excessive land shortage. But this increase in plots was extremely insufficient and did little to change the situation of the overwhelming mass of state peasants. At the same time, the power and arbitrariness of the tsarist officials increased over the state peasants, peasant gatherings were completely under their control, the duties of state peasants for the construction of roads, bridges, forest cutting, etc. increased, and it was not without reason that talk arose among the peasants that their sold “as an inheritance” to Kiselyov.
As a result of the restructuring of the apparatus for managing state peasants, Kiselev managed to achieve a “reduction” of arrears, that is, to squeeze out much more money from the peasants than before. The amount of arrears before Kiselev’s reform was 33 million rubles, and after his reform it decreased to 17 million rubles.
Kiselev's reform intensified the struggle of state peasants against the intensification of their exploitation by the feudal state. But it did not have a serious impact on the situation of state peasants and did not serve as any reason or example for changing the situation of landowner peasants, as was intended at the beginning of its implementation.
Law on Obligated Peasants
Although Kiselev carried out a reform of the management of state peasants in order to set an “example” for the nobility in resolving the peasant issue, the matter still did not move forward. The new Secret Committee on the Peasant Question was convened in 1839 and worked until 1842.
The activities of this committee ended with the publication in 1842 of the decree “On Obligated Peasants.”
The Law “On Obligated Peasants” established that the landowner, of his own free will, could release the peasants with the provision of part of the land for their use for certain duties, which were not much different from corvee. According to this decree, only 24 thousand serfs were “freed” from serfdom. Consequently, this decree had less significance than even the law of 1803 “On Free Plowmen.” Then other committees were convened, whose activities were almost fruitless. As a result of their activities, in 1847 the Law “On Inventory” was adopted. The law on inventories was adopted on the initiative of the Kyiv Governor-General Bibikov for the Ukrainian provinces.
Later the inventories were extended to the Baltic provinces.
Inventory was the exact list of duties that peasants had to bear in relation to landowners. They set the task of limiting corvée to a certain number of days a year, which, however, was not achieved in reality. At the same time, the inventories recorded the amount of land that should have been in the use of the peasants, but the landowners did not take this into account and continued to dispose of the land at their own discretion.
Kiselyov’s actions caused mixed reactions from society. Landowners were afraid of the expansion of state ownership of private lands, peasants did not adequately perceive measures of “administrative pressure” (including the introduction of potato crops - “potato riots”), fearing “state corvee”, etc.
In 1839, Kiselev was elevated to the rank of count. His activities as a minister lasted 18 years and were very fruitful, causing intrigue against him, creating envious people and enemies for him. Under Nicholas I, they could not undermine confidence in Kiselev, but at the very beginning of the new reign, Kiselev’s enemies managed to achieve their goal. In 1856 he was appointed ambassador to Paris. Emperor Alexander II asked him, however, to recommend a successor; Kiselev named Sheremetev, who was appointed. Kiselev became ambassador in his declining years and at the most difficult time, when Russia’s relations with France were strained after the Crimean War; but he managed to maintain the interests of his fatherland with dignity. In 1862, poor health forced him to ask for dismissal. While retired, Kiselev remained in Paris, since his closest relatives in Russia died. When he was offered the chairmanship of the State Council, he refused, feeling unable to deal with state affairs. Remaining completely devoted to the cause of peasant reform, Kiselev greatly lamented the fact that its implementation was not left to one of its main participants - N.A. Milyutin, Kiselev’s nephew.
The period of rule of Nicholas I in the history of Russia is called the period of reaction and conservatism. Indeed, after the defeat of the Decembrist rebellion, the emperor tried in every possible way to strengthen the empire, doing this mostly by force. The tsar himself realized that only such methods could not calm the country, so he went through a series of reforms, one of which was the Kiselev reform.
On the eve of transformations
The beginning of the reign of Alexander's successor was marked by a powerful uprising, in which the privileged strata of Russian society also participated. It extremely frightened the new emperor, so the strictest measures were taken against the conspirators, and the five leaders of the revolt were executed. During the investigation that began, Nikolai saw the whole unsightly picture of the country’s internal situation. The liberal strata of high society insisted on carrying out broad reforms, with which the tsar categorically disagreed. However, he made small concessions to public opinion, for example, the odious figure of Alexander’s reign, Count Arakcheev, was removed. But in fact, this was not the end; the work of Arakcheevism was continued by many of the count’s followers who remained in power, who enjoyed the full trust of Nicholas.
The first steps of Nicholas I
But still, the emperor surrounded himself with truly progressive-minded people. These were E.F. Kankrin and P.D. Kiselev. The main transformations of the Nicholas era are associated with these figures. At the beginning of his reign, the emperor did not pay much attention to the peasant issue, but over time, the king and his entourage became increasingly inclined to the idea that serfdom was evil, and the landowners were on the verge of new riots. But the government was afraid to radically resolve the issue, so it relied on evolutionary and careful reform. One of these steps was to be the reform of the state village of Kiseleva. Pavel Dmitrievich was known as a consistent supporter of the abolition of serfdom; during the 20-30s of the 19th century, he several times submitted notes to the highest name with proposals to improve the situation of the peasants. Therefore, Nikolai considered his candidacy quite suitable for resolving the peasant issue.
Kiselev reform
Especially for carrying out reforms, the Ministry of State Property was formed in 1837, the head of which was appointed Count P. D. Kiselev. The essence of Kiselev’s reform was to create a competent administration that would fully understand the peasant issue, as well as improve the life and economic life of the peasants. Immediately after his appointment, the count begins transformations. First of all, he changed the system of peasant management. Special state chambers were introduced in the provinces, and districts, consisting of several districts, were subordinate to them. In addition, Kiselev’s reform envisaged the introduction of volost and rural self-government, a special court for resolving minor offenses among peasants. A new tax collection system was also introduced, its main idea being to take into account the profitability of peasant farming.
Ideas and implementation of reform
Kiseleva did not stop there. At the direct insistence of the count, medical and educational institutions began to open in many rural districts; they tried to combat land scarcity by peasant communities leaving for other regions of the country, while receiving a small monetary compensation for the first time. This direction of peasant policy did not receive much development; peasant families did not want to leave their native lands. The main provision of Kiselev’s reform implied an increase in the agrotechnical level of land cultivation and an increase in the profitability of peasant farming. For this purpose, members of the rural community were taught advanced farming methods, but the peasants were very distrustful of all innovations, which led officials to a state of discontent, and administrative measures were often taken against the peasant community.
Consequences of the changes
One of the consequences of the policy of resolving issues through management decisions was the widespread introduction of potato planting. Frequent crop failures and famines should have become a thing of the past. Provincial and volost officials forcibly confiscated the best lands from the peasants, forcing them to plant potatoes on them; the harvest was confiscated and redistributed at their own discretion, sometimes even sent to other populated areas. In this way, the authorities tried to insure themselves in case of crop failures; this phenomenon was called public plowing. But the peasant community saw this as an attempt to introduce state corvee, and a wave of riots swept through all state-owned villages demanding the abolition of public plowing. In this direction, Kiselev’s reform failed.
Discontent among the landowners
In general, the transformations proceeded with great delays, primarily due to the fact that the majority of landowners treated them with great concern, and some even expressed dissatisfaction with the policies of Count Kiselev. Their fear was that an improvement in the situation would increase the desire of their serfs to become government serfs. But if they still put up with this at the very least, then Pavel Dmitrievich’s broad plans for the personal liberation of peasants from serfdom, allocating them with small plots of land and accurately determining the size of quitrent and corvee caused them furious discontent. The reform of the state village of Kiseleva was recognized by most of the landowners as harmful, and this also caused concern in the government. According to the reactionary ministers, the beginning of the dismantling of serfdom could lead to the growth of a social movement throughout the country. Nicholas I was most wary of this, so all further attempts to resolve the peasant issue were postponed at the direction of the emperor for the distant future.
In general, during the entire reign of Nikolai Pavlovich, Kiselev’s reform was the only significant attempt to resolve it; it largely prepared the ground for the future abolition of serfdom, and Pavel Dmitrievich Kiselev played an important role in this.
Military service
From an old noble family, he was educated at home. Enrolled as a cadet in the College of Foreign Affairs (1805), in 1806 he was transferred to the Cavalry Regiment. Participant in 26 battles of the Patriotic War of 1812. Having distinguished himself in the Battle of Borodino, he was appointed adjutant to General M.A. Miloradovich. He began serving in a cavalry regiment, with which he took part in the Battle of Borodino and in foreign campaigns of 1813 - 1815. He was appointed aide-de-camp (1814), carried out a number of important assignments of Emperor Alexander I. In 1815, in Berlin, he participated in the engagement of Grand Duke Nikolai Pavlovich to Princess Charlotte of Prussia, after which he enjoyed his favor. Already in 1816, he sent a note to the Emperor with a plan for the gradual liberation of peasants from serfdom.
To General Kiselev
I won't give up my hopes
He is very nice, not a word about that,
He is the enemy of deceit and the ignorant;
Over a noisy, slow lunch
I'm glad to be his neighbor
I'm glad to listen to him until nightfall;
But he is a courtier: promises
They don't cost him anything.
A. S. Pushkin
In 1819, he was appointed chief of staff of the 2nd Army (Tulchin, Podolsk province), where he proved himself to be a capable administrator and introduced a number of innovations, including the mitigation of corporal punishment. Under the leadership of Kiselyov, the future Decembrists P.I. Pestel, A.P. Yushnevsky, P.D. Burtsev, N.V. Basargin, Prince Trubetskoy, Prince Volkonsky served here. According to recollections, a creative and trusting atmosphere reigned at the headquarters. Among the Decembrists, the possibility of involving the general (together with M. M. Speransky, N. S. Mordvinov and A. P. Ermolov) in the work of the Provisional Government, whose activities were planned for the transition period after the uprising, was actively discussed. In 1823, after reviewing the army by the Emperor, he was granted adjutant general.
Since 1821, Kiselev initiated surveillance of some Decembrists, the creation of a secret police in the 2nd Army, the so-called. “Raevsky’s case” and the defeat of the secret organizations and Masonic lodges operating in the 2nd Army. In a personal conversation with Emperor Nicholas I in January 1826, he denied rumors about his connections with the Decembrists and continued his military service in his previous post. With the 2nd Army he took part in the Russian-Turkish War of 1828-1829 and distinguished himself in a number of battles.
Administration of the Danube Principalities
During the Russo-Turkish War of 1828-1829, Kiselyov was appointed commander of the Russian troops stationed in the Danube principalities, which after the war were officially under Russian protectorate. On October 19, 1829, while in the city of Zimnicha, he was appointed plenipotentiary representative of the divans (councils) of the Moldavian principality and Wallachia. On December 18, 1830 he was awarded the Order of St. George, 4th degree (No. 4411 according to the list of Grigorovich-Stepanov). Until 1834 he was in Iasi. In fact, he was the head of the principalities until 1834, when Sultan Mahmud II appointed new rulers - Alexander II Ghiku in Wallachia and Mikhail Sturdza in the Moldavian Principality.
Kiselyov carried out a number of reforms to improve public administration in the principalities, seeking, in the words of K.V. Nesselrode, “to somehow impose on residents of all classes the benefits of proper administration.”
Under the leadership of Kiselev, the first constitutions were adopted in the principalities - the Organic Regulations (Wallachia - 1831, Principality of Moldova - 1832), which remained in force until 1859. The regulation had a beneficial effect on the political, social and economic life of the principalities. A parliamentary government was established, under which the power of the ruler was limited to the Public Assembly (Adunaria Obsteasca), endowed with large legislative functions. The Lord was the head of the executive branch. The judicial authorities, according to the Regulations, were separated from the administrative ones, having their own organization. The previous duties in kind were replaced by a single cash tax. However, many of the laws adopted were half-hearted: the boyars continued not to pay taxes; The regime of government was parliamentary, but the meetings were not representative and consisted mainly of boyars.
In 1833, shortly before the withdrawal of Russian troops, the gypsies were recognized as individuals. Now they could not be killed with impunity.
Kiselev led the creation of one of the main routes in Bucharest, which still bears his name (Romanian: ?oseaua Kiseleff). Kiselyov Highway is a continuation in the northern direction of Victory Avenue (Calea Victoriei), which in Kiselyov’s time was called Podul Mogo?oaei. Currently, the Kiselev Highway is limited by Victory Square (Pia?a Victoriei) and the House of the Free Press (Casa Presei Libere), and along the highway itself there are several museums, embassies of Russia, Belarus, Peru, as well as the Arc de Triomphe.
Based on the results of his activities, he gained a reputation as an honest and energetic administrator; A.S. Pushkin wrote about him in his diary: “He is perhaps the most remarkable of our statesmen.”
Government activities
In 1835, he was appointed a member of the State Council, enrolled in the Department of State Economy and, after a conversation with Emperor Nicholas I, in the Secret Committee on Peasant Affairs. He acted as a consistent opponent of serfdom and a supporter of the liberation of the peasants. He believed that it was necessary to follow the path of gradual abolition of serfdom, so that “slavery would be destroyed by itself and without upheaval of the state.” Liberation, according to Kiselyov, had to be combined with the expansion of peasant land use, the easing of feudal duties, the introduction of agronomic and cultural improvements, which required active state policy and effective administration.
Based on the results of the Committee’s activities, he was appointed head of the created V department (for the affairs of state-owned peasants) of His Imperial Majesty’s Own Chancellery (1835); developed an organization plan and headed the Ministry of State Property (1837). Chambers of state property were created locally, district administrations were created in counties, and the institution of district commanders was created, who received broad administrative rights.
Using the unconditional support of the sovereign and being, as he put it, “the chief of staff for the peasant part,” in the position of minister he carried out a reform of the management of state peasants in 1837-41. Parish schools were created (the so-called “Kiselevsky schools”). Potato crops were spread and public plowing was introduced.
In 1842, he led the development of the Regulations on Obligated Peasants, which determined the procedure for peasants to leave serfdom by voluntary agreement with the landowner.
In the 1840s. on the lands of the Western Territory initiated the creation of the so-called. “Bibikov’s inventories” (they were directly and harshly implemented by Governor-General D. G. Bibikov), which put the relations of peasants and landowners on a legal basis, and caused sharp protests from the latter. (Fully implemented on the territory of Right Bank Ukraine and the Vilna General Government).
Kiselyov’s actions caused mixed reactions from society. Landowners were afraid of the expansion of state ownership of private lands, peasants did not adequately perceive measures of “administrative pressure” (including the introduction of potato crops - “potato riots”), fearing “state corvee”, etc.
In 1839 he was elevated to the dignity of count; in 1841 - awarded the Order of St. Apostle Andrew the First-Called.
Honorary member of the Imperial St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences (1855).
Retired
In 1856 he was appointed ambassador to Paris, where he dealt with the problems of resolving relations after the Crimean War. He considered his removal as disgrace and repeatedly came into conflict with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Prince. A. M. Gorchakov.
Retired since 1862. Having refused the post of Chairman of the State Council for health reasons, he lived in Paris and Switzerland. He had an extremely positive attitude towards the government activities of his nephew N.A. Milyutin.
Wife, in 1821-40, Pototskaya Sofia Stanislavovna (1801-1875), son Vladimir (1822-1824).
He was buried in the Donskoy Monastery in Moscow.
Addresses in St. Petersburg
1835-1845 - house of E. A. Zurova - Bolshaya Morskaya Street, 59.
Personal qualities
Smart, ambitious, charming Kiselyov was the soul of society and communicated with F.V. Rostopchin, N.M. Karamzin, was friends with A.I. Turgenev, P.A. Vyazemsky; often met with A.S. Pushkin.
Bibliography
- Zablotsky-Desyatovsky A.P. Count P.D. Kiselev and his time. - St. Petersburg: 1882.
- Knyazkov S. A. - Count P. D. Kiselev and the reform of state peasants. (Article in the collection “The Great Reform. Russian society and the peasant question in the past and present”). - M., Publishing house of the partnership of I. D. Sytin, 1911.
- Druzhinin N. M. State peasants and the reform of P. D. Kiselev. M.-L., 1946-1958. T. 1-2.
- Orlik O. V. P. D. Kiselev as a diplomat. Organic regulations of the Danube principalities // Russian diplomacy in portraits. - M.: 1992.
Kiselev Pavel Dmitrievich
(1788-1872) Russian statesman and military leader, diplomat, infantry general (1834). From a noble family. Received home education. In 1805 he was enrolled as a cadet in the College of Foreign Affairs, and in 1806 he was transferred to the Cavalry Regiment. During the Patriotic War of 1812, he distinguished himself in the Battle of Borodino, after which he was appointed adjutant to General M.A. Miloradovich. He took part in the foreign campaigns of the Russian army in 1813-1814. In 1814, he was appointed aide-de-camp to Emperor Alexander I. In 1815, in Berlin, he participated in the engagement of Prince Nikolai Pavlovich (Nicholas I) to Princess Charlotte of Prussia (Alexandra Fedorovna), after which he enjoyed his favor. In 1816, he presented a note to Tsar Alexander I on the gradual liberation of peasants from serfdom. In 1819 he was appointed chief of staff of the 2nd Army. During his 10 years in this post, he acquired a reputation as a capable administrator prone to liberal reforms. During this period, there was an intensification of the activities of the Decembrists, in particular, 12 members of secret societies served at the headquarters of the 2nd Army. Rumors about P.D.'s connections Kiselev and the Decembrists were widespread in society. After personal explanations with Emperor Nicholas I in January 1826, he was retained in his position. He took part in the Russian-Turkish War of 1826-1828 and distinguished himself in a number of battles. In 1829-1834. plenipotentiary representative of the diwans (councils) of Moldavia and Wallachia. In this post he carried out a number of reforms to improve governance in these principalities. In 1834 he was appointed a member of the State Council, and in 1835 he was included in the secret committee created to discuss projects for peasant reform. Then he was a permanent member of all secret committees on peasant affairs. Emperor Nicholas I called P.D. Kiselev "chief of staff for the peasant unit." In 1836 he was appointed head of the 5th department of His Imperial Majesty's Own Chancellery, developed a plan for the establishment of the Ministry of State Property, and in 1838 headed it. In 1837-1841. as Minister P.D. Kiselev carried out a reform of the management of state peasants, which streamlined the system of administrative bodies and was considered as the first step towards the liberation of the peasants. At the end of the 40s, due to a change in the views of Nicholas I on the peasant question due to fear of peasant riots, he also abandoned his plans for the liberation of the peasants. With the accession of the new Emperor Alexander II to the throne, he was removed from his post as Minister of State Property and sent as ambassador to Paris. He considered his appointment as disgrace and more than once came into conflict with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Prince A.M. Gorchakov. In 1862 he retired. In recent years he lived in Paris and Switzerland.Where does our manner of worshiping the concept of “reformer” come from, as if a better compliment for a statesman could not be imagined? We've burned ourselves so many times on this milk, but it's all to no avail.
Pavel Dmitrievich Kiselyov (1788 – 1872) is perhaps the most energetic politician of the times of Nicholas I, whose biography contains many mysteries. He is a courtier, a conspirator, and a military officer. But first of all, perhaps, the administrator. One of the largest in the 19th century - in terms of the scale of what was done. And do not insult his memory with the label “reformer,” even with the best intentions.
In the distorted hierarchy that is being imposed on us, Stolypin and Witte are recognized as the largest Russian managers. Those who created the conditions for the funeral of the state. As if before the Silver Age, which smelled of cocaine, the empire did not grow stronger or modernize.
There is a version - and a detailed one - that Kiselyov was one of the culprits in the death of Pushkin, and in part Lermontov turned to him with an angry accusation: “You are above the law, but the eternal law is above you.”
This is from a hidden story. Kiselev is a mysterious person; he loved and knew how to play blind and on many boards at once. Grandmaster! The Decembrists also saw him in their government. And in the textbook story, Kiselev appears as the hero of Pushkin’s cartoon:
To General Kiselev
I won't give up my hopes
He is very nice, not a word about that,
He is the enemy of deceit and the ignorant;
Over a noisy, slow lunch
I'm glad to be his neighbor
I'm glad to listen to him until nightfall;
But he is a courtier: promises
They don't cost him anything.
The poet spoke of Kiselyov as “a temporary worker for whom nothing is sacred.” Well, cynicism and duplicity are simply necessary for a professional politician - perhaps Pushkin noticed in Kiselyov one of the heroes of his future historical drama. Isn't it Shuisky?
And later, in 1834, he left a complimentary assessment of Kiselyov in his diary: “He is perhaps the most remarkable of our statesmen, not excluding Ermolov.” In those days, Kiselyov was no longer perceived as a general; he found himself at the top of a bureaucratic empire.
Was it possible to save the autocratic system, adapt it to new times, transform it without destroying its essence? Minister of Education S.S. Uvarov had no doubt that the time had come to create an ideological foundation that would serve the empire for many years. In the 1830s, he created the concept of autocracy and gave the formula of the triad: “Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality.”
These foundations existed since pre-Petrine times, and under Catherine, with their help, the empire strengthened itself on the Black Sea and plotted the restoration of Byzantium... Uvarov tried to streamline long-known principles and slogans - it turned out effectively, but, as it turned out, it was too late. His ideology lasted less than a quarter of a century.
In those same years, Kiselyov acted on an economic basis. But he once served in the Cavalry Regiment, fought steadfastly on the Borodino field, after which he became adjutant to General Miloradovich. More than once he had to appear before the emperor with reports.
Alexander I liked a thorough officer who knew how to think logically and explain himself clearly. At the Vienna Congress, Kiselev was already present in the emperor's retinue.
Military and diplomatic concerns did not distract Kiselyov from economic issues. Soon after the Congress of Vienna, he drafted a note for Alexander with a plan for the gradual liberation of the peasants. He was critical of the legacy of the “days of Alexander”; he saw that the empire was lagging behind in terms of industrialization and it would be increasingly difficult to compensate for this lag with military valor.
“A state without money and industry... can become like a colossus with feet of clay,” Kiselev said in 1828, and Emperor Nicholas needed an employee with such views, although General Kiselev came under suspicion after December 1825.
There was no point in underestimating technical progress in those years: after all, “the English sage, to help with his work, invented a steam engine.” There was no industrial breakthrough in Peter’s style, but, according to many estimates, the empire developed well during the Nicholas years. And - without popular overvoltage.
In 1834, the emperor, in a confidential conversation, invited Kiselyov to join the Secret Committee on Peasant Affairs. Pavel Dmitrievich at that time was skeptical about the role of the Committee and Count Illarion Vasilchikov, who presided there. The Emperor considered Kiselyov “the chief of staff for the peasant unit.” I liked Kiselyov’s meticulousness, selfless passion for the peasant issue...
The emperor saw that this aristocrat did not shy away from “dirty work”, that he was proactive and alien to Famus’s imposing indifference to routine issues. And the former cavalry guard did not betray the tsar’s trust: he began to bite into the work. The reward arrived quickly: he was elevated to the dignity of count.
From trips to the outskirts of the empire, Kiselev brought ideas. In 1835, he compiled a note “A look at the southwestern provinces in relation to the dominant spirit and the need to give it a different direction.”
The goal is to “affirm the loyalty of the Little Russian peasants to the Russian government.” Kiselyov intended to streamline their duties, smoothing out the distortions. He also planned to slightly infringe upon the landowners from the Polish gentry. Having looked closely at Little Russia, he, oh, how he doubted the good intentions of the Catholics...
Kiselyov did not hide the fact that he envisioned the abolition of serfdom. Nikolai also entrusted this mission to him. But carrying out such a complex reform in one fell swoop means being reckless. According to Kiselyov’s plan, the peasants should gain freedom gradually - and they should start with the state-owned peasants. Thus, “slavery will be destroyed by itself and without upheaval of the state.”
Another principle of Kiselyov is that liberation will not be harmful only if it is possible to weave the achievements of technological progress into peasant life. The Russian village needed agronomists, builders, teachers, and paramedics...
Kiselyov’s agrarian reform, unlike the reforms of the 1860s, was not carried out at the expense of a decrease in the standard of living. Finally, organized assistance was provided for peasants in case of crop failure and epidemics. Medicine was introduced into the peasant environment, and schools were planned.
The legal status of state peasants changed: they were recognized as free subjects of the empire. And there were 10 million male souls out of 50-55 million of the total population of Russia in those years.
The position of the landowner peasants has changed little: here Kiselyov’s transformations stopped at the level of good wishes and endless preliminary revisions. Although Kiselev developed a provision on obligated peasants, which determined the procedure for serfs to emerge from dependence by agreement with the landowner.
Serf owners of all stripes hated the count. They were especially unnerved by his plan to introduce compulsory redemption of mortgaged estates. More than half of the peasants were on mortgage - and after such a step they would become state-owned, that is, free. This decision would have given rise to a powerful front - neither Kiselev nor the emperor dared to take such a dangerous step.
But there were still social upheavals: potato riots in those years thundered throughout the country. Potatoes in Russia were still perceived as exotic. Peter the Great tried to implant it, but did not show great zeal in this sense. Other urgent matters in those years overshadowed the potatoes...
Under Peter and his successors, potatoes were considered an outlandish vegetable. It was grown mainly in the capital's gardens and served as a dessert. With crushed sugar. Under Catherine, “earth apples” began to be planted throughout Russia. Enlighteners explained to the peasants that porridge can be cooked from potatoes, and that cabbage soup can be seasoned with potatoes. But the novelty took root slowly.
And Kiselyov was a desperate promoter of this nutritious vegetable - he believed that this unpretentious crop would save peasants from hunger and would become their second bread.
So, in 1841, with his active participation, a decree “On measures to spread potato cultivation” was issued. Yes, we were talking about forced sowings. But the peasants did not want to plant the mysterious “potato”. In many provinces, state-owned peasants, having received orders to plant potatoes, saw in this signs of enslavement, an attack on their communal interests. Rumors arose about a certain decree “on enslavement,” and people also used to say that “small reptiles” hatch from potatoes.
And - the farmers went against the oppressors, sweeping away everything on the way. Time will show the correctness of the calculating count’s potato plans. “Cheap and satisfying” - what did they talk about in the 20th century? Of course, about potatoes.
There were also educated well-wishers who frightened people. They said: this is the product of the devil! In German, this vegetable is called “kraft teufels” - that is, damn power. Scary!
A wave of poisonings took place across Russia. Many people unknowingly consumed poisonous berries from potato tops. First, unrest began among the appanage peasants, then among the state peasants. Things came to the point of bloodshed. It was necessary to suppress the unrest not only by force of persuasion, but also by force of arms.
The Kiselyov reform is usually criticized for its insufficient scale: it supposedly did not solve the problem of liberating peasants from serfdom. But thousands of peasant families began to live better and work more fruitfully.
Pavel Kiselev, a representative of an old Russian family, became one of the reformers of the nobility according to the Nicholas plan. For the emperor, he was the ideal head of the throne - the support of the throne, the conductor of royal policy. And for those who secretly dreamed of reshaping Russia along a republican model, the count was considered the best candidate for “president.”
Soon after the Crimean War, the new emperor sent Kiselyov to the most honorable exile possible - as ambassador to Paris. He tried to overcome the contradictions between the warring powers and advocated a Franco-Russian alliance. Russia was then reasonably disillusioned with Austria and Prussia - and began to look for a path from the Neva to the Seine.
After the 1860s, talking about classical Russian autocracy can only be a stretch. As is known, the matter did not reach a parliamentary monarchy; the external signs and levers of absolutism were preserved, but there was no longer any need to talk about an autocratic sovereign like Ivan the Terrible or even Nikolai Pavlovich.
And what has replaced the age-old foundations? Feverish changes, rapid buying and selling of everything and everyone, finally, the development of terrorism and the revolutionary movement as a secret force that could compete with the state. Of course, this is not just a matter of imprudent reforms.
But how can one not remember Nekrasov’s insight: “The great chain has broken, it has broken, it has sprung apart...” - something cracked in the Russian Empire in the 1860s.
These arguments of ours are not from orthodox conservatism. The liberation of the peasants is a good, necessary thing, achieved through suffering already by the time of Alexander I, if not Paul. But it was also possible to fight class inequality on autocratic grounds. This is what Paul sought: universal equality of subjects before the sovereign. The autocrat is the only privileged authority. The nobility could not tolerate such a policy and the end of Paul is proof of this.
Nikolai Pavlovich tried to turn the nobility into some kind of ruling party, into the CPSU of the 19th century. Otherwise, it was difficult to link rights and obligations after the decree on the freedom of the nobility... For privileges not paid for in blood or coin, punishment follows - this was firmly known in the 19th century. Both the encyclopedists and the Jacobins taught Europe a lot.
The aging Count Kiselyov seemed to welcome the reforms of the 1860s, even complaining that due to his old age he could no longer take an active part in political life. His nephew, Nikolai Alekseevich Milyutin, took the leading roles; he dealt with the peasant issue. Alexander II's staff respectfully consulted with the elder.
But Kiselyov still felt like a man of the past, of Nikolaev’s time, and could not help but see the degradation of the system after the Crimean War. After all, great reforms, as history has shown, largely turned out to be capitulatory. Power over the empire of Peter the Great flowed into the hands of resourceful owners, into the hands of moneylenders - among whom were Russian nobles, merchants, and nimble foreigners of all stripes.
At the same time, there was a hidden elite that was not interested in strengthening the Russian Empire. What kind of triad is this? Almost all of them became deaf to Orthodoxy, did not support autocracy, and had nothing to do with nationality at all. All of them will not be able to retain power: in half a century the empire will collapse. But during this time they will be able to profit to their heart's content.
And potatoes have saved Russia from hunger more than once. And today he saves. She is not afraid of any crises. Thanks to Count Kiselyov.
