Priests in China There were no priests in the full sense of the word in Ancient China, just as there were no great personalized gods and places of worship in their honor. Those supreme deities worshiped by the Yin and Chou people (Heaven, Earth) did not need special priests, since

National Revolution in China (1925-1927)

National Revolution in China 1925-1927- a bourgeois-democratic revolution aimed at the destruction of imperialist oppression and the domination of semi-feudal orders in the political and economic system China. The aggravation of contradictions between imperialism and the Chinese people after the First World War, militaristic wars, intensified exploitation of the working people, on the one hand, and the influence of the Great October Socialist Revolution, on the other, gave rise to revolutionary sentiments among the masses.

In South China where the government of Sun Yat-sen acted, the national revolutionary forces achieved major successes: a united front of the CPC and the Kuomintang was created, with the help of the USSR the core of the revolutionary army was formed, and the workers' and peasants' movement grew. All this contributed to the formation of a revolutionary situation, which in 1925 after the murder of a small Chinese worker in a factory in Shanghai, it turned into a revolution.

driving forces: working class, peasantry, urban petty bourgeoisie and national bourgeoisie.

the main task : unification of China, nationalist revolution, breaking of unequal treaties, restoration of sovereignty.

The history of the revolution is divided for three periods .

After the shooting of the anti-imperialist demonstration in Shanghai, the mass movement spread to the main centers of the country. The most important events of this period were the general strike in Shanghai and the 16-month Hong Kong-Guangzhou strike, which contributed to the development of the anti-imperialist struggle of the masses and the preparation of conditions for the Northern Expedition. 1925 The Guangzhou government was reorganized into the National Government of the Republic of China.

During this period, the revolutionary forces achieved the greatest success. The main forces of the NRA marched to the North. The victories of the NRA and the rapid growth of the mass anti-imperialist and anti-militarist movement led to the liberation of South and Central China from the power of the militarists. The national government moved from Guangzhou to Wuhan. An important factor in the Chinese revolution was the moral and material support of the Soviet people.

The deepening of the revolution frightened the national bourgeoisie, whose right-wing leader was Chiang Kai-shek.

In some provinces, the power of the Wuhan government, where there were communists, still remained. In this area, the working people were in favor of progressive socio-economic reforms and improvement of their situation. The fighting against the northern militarists continued, but the leadership, frightened by the rapid upsurge of the mass workers' and peasants' movement and experiencing the influence of the Chiang Kai-shek reaction, changed the revolution. July 15, 1927 a counter-revolutionary coup took place in Wuhan, the communists left power, mass arrests and repressions against the CPC began, the revolution entered the stage of civil war.

The revolution of 1925-27 was defeated , but China has not returned to the pre-revolutionary state. The old militaristic cliques were defeated. The position of the big bourgeoisie, which sought to unite the country under its rule, strengthened. In the course of the revolution, the working people gained experience in political struggle, and the ideas of friendship with the USSR penetrated into the midst of the masses. The Kuomintang party that came to power and Chiang Kai-shek led China along the path of bourgeois reforms.

The history of China has always been filled with cruel and bloody events. In 1966, during the confrontation between Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi, a cruel and unpleasant process began, nicknamed by historians as the "Cultural Revolution in China." It was the result of public discontent accumulated over many years and the tension of relations with neighboring countries.

What is

The very idea of ​​change came to the head of the ruler of the CPC Central Committee, Mao Zedong, back in 1950. In order to strengthen his power, he decided to raise the poor peasants against their oppressors, the bourgeois and capitalists. The start date of the Cultural Revolution in China is May 1966.

A general propaganda of citizens and purges in the ranks of the party began. The enemy was portrayed as a typical feudal lord who does not care about the fate of the common people. People were driven into the head with the idea that in order to live better, it is necessary to arrange a revolution and destroy the enemy.

The idea of ​​the revolutionaries

The main idea of ​​the revolution, pursued by the leader of China, is the upbringing of a people convenient for himself. Supporters had to blindly believe in the good intentions of their leader, sparing no time and effort to put his ideas into practice.

For this, the idea of ​​a socialist state structure was promoted. The absence of masters and superiors was dreamed by people in their imagination. In order to come to such a society, it was necessary to eradicate at the beginning of the revolution:

• unwanted ideas.
• Wrong cultural values.
• Old rituals and customs.
• Bad habits.

In their place were to be new values ​​introduced by Mao. In fact, people were forcibly re-educated.

The beginning of the revolution - persecution and repression

By 1966, Mao was weakened by illness, which shook the inviolability of the power of the Communist Party. On the world and domestic arena, the supporters of the party leader began to experience oppression of their rights. The beginning of the Cultural Revolution involved the destruction of the government in the PRC, which considered communism to be an erroneous regime.

Supporters of Mao begin to trace ideas harmful to the revolution in literary works, theatrical performances and newspaper articles. The oppositionists did not expect that after the leader's illness receded, he would begin a brutal persecution of those who opposed his power.

The government-organized Hongweiping movement came to the defense of the leader's ideas. It was a radical group, which consisted mainly of young adherents of the regime. They organized the persecution of those whose worldview was different from the right one. People were beaten and tortured. Any passer-by could be punished only for the fact that he did not have Mao's book with him. More than a million people became victims of the revolutionary group, including those who were driven to suicide by constant bullying.

In order to stimulate love for the ruling authorities, terrible meetings began to be held in the highest circles, at which those invited engaged in cannibalism. Thus, dislike for opponents and infidels was instilled. The so-called "banquets of the flesh" were repeated over a hundred times. In order to prove their loyalty, the invitees were forced to kill the captured oppositionists and eat their internal organs, whether cooked or raw. They became known only after the relatives of the victims stopped being afraid of persecution and told the whole truth to journalists.

During that period, a truly terrible event took place for the communists. In 1953, the leader of the Communist Party of the USSR I. V. Stalin died. Khrushchev, who came to power at that time, began to pursue a policy condemning the great leader. In order not to lose influence, Mao Zedong deliberately worsened relations with a neighboring power. Skirmishes began on the border and all ambassadors from the USSR were expelled from the country.

In order not to cause discontent among the common people, the Communist Party announced that the "Great Chinese Cultural Revolution" had begun. Under this pretext, newspapers were pressured to publish only correct articles. Children's schools began to teach children to love their leader and spy on unfaithful parents. Thus, the people were programmed for blind love for Mao.

Those who were previously poor began to understand the benefits of such changes and the power they received. All rich and well-dressed citizens have become impartial. For the attack and punishment of such people, the government encouraged. Successful and wealthy men began to be beaten by ordinary peasants, and well-groomed women had their hair cut off and their nails pulled out. What was taken from the rich was needed in without fail provide to local authorities. But practically nothing was delivered to the place, the people melted down or resold the loot.

It got to the point that the formed gangs began to divide and quarrel among themselves for a zone of influence. They had already begun to act spontaneously, the leader understood this, but did nothing, since such a situation suited him. Some groups, having acquired firearms, captured entire settlements. There is evidence that artillery mounts were used in skirmishes between gangs.

Oppositionists in the person of Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping tried to resist this course of events. However, already in 1969, the unconditional power and ideology of the leader Mao was proclaimed.

Staff Schools May 7

After the first stage was completed, the creation of personnel schools was announced. In them, people were trained in the professions necessary for the country and, along the way, dangerous and unfaithful personalities were identified. For a slight discrepancy in ideological values, an ordinary person could be sent to hard hard labor. During the two years of the existence of such schools, more than 10 million infidels were exiled, for the most part, they were young students.

The second stage of the revolution

The second stage of the revolution involved changing the constitution. Mao decided that the post of chairman of the Communist Party, and consequently, outside power in the country, should be abolished. Thus, Mao became the only person with unconditional power. Lin Biao and Chen Boda, who attempted a civil coup, tried to prevent this. But a failed uprising led to them being publicly executed as traitors.

In 1973, it was decided to strengthen Mao's ideas in the army as well. Bodies began to function that identified the military with ideas that were different from the correct ones. The same was carried out in trade unions and youth organizations.

Up into the mountains, down into the villages

This program was designed to raise small villages and villages. Youth and the military began to be forcibly brought to places where hard work was needed. Also, guilty or objectionable citizens were sent to such exile. Those who opposed this program were executed.

The third stage is the political struggle

The last stage of the revolution is characterized by the gradual loss of power by the communist party. Mao Zedong died in 1976, the date of death is September 9th. People close to him earlier stood at the head of the state, these were:

• Jiang Qing is Mao's wife.
• Zhang Chunqiao.
• Yao Wenyuan.
• Wang Hongwen.

Thus ended the Great Chinese Revolution. The one who stopped the riots and brutal repression was Marshal Jianying. It was he, at the head of the army, who arrested four new cruel rulers.

Results and victims

Shortly after the sad events, approximate estimates were made of those who suffered from repression and punitive operations. The figure is horrifying, more than 100 million Chinese citizens have become victims of the Mao regime.

The victims were present both among the civilian population and among members of the communist party. The number of communists objectionable to the authorities reached 5 million. Officials close to Mao were put in their place.

Many young people were tortured to death in exile and colonies. The scientists were killed. The country's economy has been recovering for decades after such a blow.

Why the Cultural Revolution Failed

Mao's ideas were doomed from the start, according to historians. Too much change and too much repression was too much of a burden for the country's population. The policy of total control, after the death of the great leader, was destroyed.

Positive impact of events on the country

The positive events and results can only be attributed to the education reform, which was introduced to train young professionals. And everything else was aimed only at intimidating the infidels. Therefore, historians are silent about the positive aspects of the event, they are invisible against the background of bloodshed.

Conclusion

The "Great Cultural Revolution" is not at all a positive event in Chinese history. The number of repressed and killed people is more than 100 million. This is the bloodiest event in the history of mankind. The greatest damage was inflicted on ordinary citizens and working people. After decades of hard work, they began to be persecuted and attacked by dishonest elements and authorities.

China at the startXXin.

In the first decade of the XX century. the pressure of the imperialists on China increased. In 1904, England, seeking to establish its own protectorate over Tibet, sent troops there. The British colonialists imposed a enslaving treaty on the local Tibetan authorities. True, after the protests of the Chinese government, the British were forced to officially recognize its sovereignty over Tibet, but the intervention of 1904 marked the beginning of imperialist control over the region.

After the Russo-Japanese War, the Liaodong Peninsula went to Japan. In 1909, a consortium of banks in England, France, and Germany was created with the aim of further financially enslaving China. In 1910 the United States joined the consortium. The activity of American monopolies in China has intensified.

Capital investments of foreign banks and firms grew rapidly. If in 1902 the total amount of foreign investment in China, including loans, was 800 million am. dollars, then by 1911 it already exceeded 1.5 billion dollars.

The domination of foreign imperialists hindered the development of national industry and national capitalism. Without the overthrow of the oppression of foreign colonialists, the existence and development of China as an independent state would have been impossible.

Another reason that hindered the progressive development of China was the feudal oppression and arbitrariness of the Qing dynasty. The development of capitalism in agriculture was accompanied by the intensification of various forms of feudal and semi-feudal exploitation of the peasantry not only by landowners, but also by usurers, merchants, and capitalists. Foreign monopolies were directly interested and participated in the feudal exploitation of the peasantry. Feudal survivals, and especially landownership, not only doomed agricultural production to stagnation, but also determined the extreme narrowness of the domestic market for Chinese national industry. The country's capitalist development was hampered by the isolation of individual provinces and numerous internal duties imposed on Chinese goods. The oppression and arbitrariness of the government and numerous officials fettered the entrepreneurial activity of Chinese national capital. Without the overthrow of the Qing dynasty and the destruction of the feudal order, it was impossible to clear the way for the rise of the economy and the capitalist development of China.

Thus, the urgent needs of China's social development were set at the beginning of the 20th century. put on the order of the day the tasks of the bourgeois revolution. Social forces also appeared, vitally interested in the destruction of imperialist and feudal oppression.

The peasantry, which constituted the overwhelming majority of the population, was doomed to chronic poverty, hunger, and was deprived of miserable patches of land. In Guangdong, 78% of all peasant farms belonged to landless peasants - tenants and semi-tenants, in Jiangxi and Hunan - 71%, in Sichuan - 70%. The landowner appropriated 60-70% of the crop. Spontaneous anti-feudal uprisings did not stop in the country. The peasantry was called upon to become one of the important driving forces of the revolution that was brewing in China.

At the beginning of the XX century. the formation of the Chinese proletariat advanced considerably. According to official statistics, in 1913 there were over 650,000 industrial workers in China (enterprises employing at least 7 workers were taken into account). The workers played an active role in the revolutionary events, but the working class was still weak, did not have its own political party, and therefore could not become the leader of the revolution and lead the peasant masses.

Under the specific historical conditions of that time, the only leader of the bourgeois revolution that was brewing in China could be the national bourgeoisie.

Despite all the obstacles, at the beginning of the XX century. continued development of Chinese national capitalism. New weaving factories, mills, and food industry enterprises were put into operation. In 1903-1908. 127 new Chinese industrial enterprises were registered. By 1911, their number increased to 177. But foreign investment in China's industry grew faster. The contradictions between the Chinese national bourgeoisie and the feudal-absolutist Qing dynasty intensified. The interests of the national bourgeoisie demanded that the road be cleared for the rapid development of capitalism. However, the relatively weak bourgeoisie, closely connected with feudal landownership, could not

to become a resolute and consistent leader of the revolutionary struggle of the masses.

In terms of its objective tasks, the bourgeois revolution that had matured in China had an anti-feudal and anti-imperialist character. But China was not a colony, but a semi-colony - a country that formally still retained political independence. The main link in the political superstructure that ensured the exploitation of the Chinese people by feudal lords and foreign colonizers was the Qing monarchy. Therefore, anti-feudal tasks came to the fore - the overthrow of the Qing dynasty and the democratic resolution of the agrarian question.

The formation of a revolutionary situation

Deep social contradictions that escalated in China at the beginning of the 20th century gradually led to the emergence of a revolutionary situation.

After the suppression of the Yihetuan uprising, local spontaneous uprisings continued in various provinces. The largest of them was the uprising, which engulfed in 1901-1905. province of Guangxi.

In the same years, the activities of Sun Yat-sen and his supporters intensified. New secret revolutionary organizations of a bourgeois-democratic trend are springing up. Tsai. Yuanpei created the "Society for the Restoration of Sovereignty" in Shanghai, which united the revolutionary organizations of the provinces of Jiangsu and Zhejiang. In Changsha, an organization of revolutionaries from Hunan Province called the Union of Chinese Renaissance, headed by Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren, is being created. Revolutionary youth from the intelligentsia joined the army and conducted propaganda among the soldiers. A revolutionary organization arose in the army units of Hubei province, the legal cover of which was the "School of Additional Knowledge" in Wuchang.

The liberal bourgeois-landowner opposition to the Qing regime also intensified. In exile, she was represented by Kang Yuwei, Liang Qichao and other reformers. Domestic demands were also heard for the introduction of a constitutional monarchy and the implementation of reforms.

It was increasingly difficult for the ruling classes and the government to manage by the old methods. The Cixi government, which had recently sent the leaders of the reform movement to the chopping block, was now forced to implement some reforms. Yuan Shikai and other representatives of the highest bureaucracy argued for the need for "changes in legislation." A "new policy" was proclaimed.

As part of this belated reform course, some changes were made to the educational system, schools were opened with a European system of education, and the number of young Chinese who received higher education abroad increased significantly. In 1905, there were already 8,000 Chinese students studying in Japan alone. The traditional system of examinations required to obtain positions in the state apparatus was suspended "indefinitely."

The forthcoming reform of the administrative apparatus was announced. The government issued edicts abolishing certain privileges of the Manchus, allowed mixed marriages, formally abolished slavery, and banned the bandaging of the feet of Chinese women.

The Qing government agreed to the organization of the Ministry of Agriculture, Industry and Trade, the opening of technical schools. It was decided to publish a "railroad charter", "commercial and industrial charter", to hold incentive industrial exhibitions, competitions, etc. in large cities. Chambers of commerce and industry were established. But the supporters of the "new policy" paid the main attention to the modernization of the army.

The "new policy" did not strengthen the position of the Qing dynasty. In the autumn of 1906, an imperial decree was published on the forthcoming transition to constitutional government, and in 1908 a government program was promulgated, providing for preparations for the introduction of a constitution in 1916 and the convocation of parliament. To draw up a constitution, provincial advisory committees and an all-China Council Chamber in Beijing were set up.

In November 1908, Emperor Guangxu and Cixi died almost simultaneously. The throne passed to Guangxu's three-year-old nephew, Pu Yi. Pu Yi's father, Zai Li, was appointed Prince Regent. During the reign of Zai Li, a conflict arose between Chinese nobility of Manchu origin and major Chinese dignitaries. Yuan Shikai was removed from power.

Impact of the Russian Revolution of 1905 on China

The growing revolutionary crisis created fertile ground for the strong influence of the Russian Revolution of 1905-1907 on China. An important role was also played by direct revolutionary ties between the two countries. They were installed in different ways.

Russian and Chinese workers worked side by side on the CER. The underground Bolshevik organization that arose in the exclusion zone of the CER carried out revolutionary work not only among Russians, but also among Chinese workers, and issued leaflets in Chinese. Chinese and Russian workers held joint strikes and rallies. On the eve of the revolution of 1911, many of the Chinese workers of the Higher Railways were transferred to Central China. The experience gained by the Chinese workers in the joint struggle against the Russian workers under the leadership of the Bolsheviks played a certain role in the subsequent revolutionary movement of the Chinese people.

Those Russian Bolshevik revolutionaries who were forced to flee from the persecution of tsarism and ended up in China also had direct ties with the democratic forces of China. So, after the defeat of the Russian revolution, a prominent figure in the Bolshevik Party, F. A. Artem (Sergeev), lived in Shanghai, who had to work there for some time as a peddler of bread. He communicated with radical Chinese intellectuals, expressed to them the Bolsheviks' point of view on the prospects for the revolutionary movement in China.

Direct ties were also established between representatives of the Russian and Chinese revolutionary emigration who were in Japan. Sun Yat-sen, for example, met and corresponded with one of the populist veterans, N. K. Sud-zilovsky (Russel).

The first news of the revolution in Russia made a huge impression on the leading representatives of the Chinese intelligentsia. They have awakened big interest to Russia, to the struggle of the Russian people, to Russian literature.

Chinese writer Lu Xun wrote that during that period, Chinese youth “found Russian literature.

And then she realized that Russian literature is our teacher and friend. Russian literature revealed to us the beautiful soul of the oppressed, his suffering, his struggle; we lit up with hope, reading the works of the forties. We grieved together with the heroes of the works of the sixties. Didn't we know that the Russian Empire pursued an aggressive policy in China, but from its literature we understood the most important thing, that there are two classes in the world - the oppressors and the oppressed!

Now it is so well known that it hardly deserves to be mentioned, but then it was the greatest discovery, equal to the discovery of fire, when primitive people learned to cook their own food, when the darkness of the night was illuminated by a bright flame.

Under the influence of the revolution that began in Russia, the Chinese revolutionaries had an increased desire for unification and rallying.

Revolutionary activity of the United Union. "Three People's Principles" by Sun Yat-sen

In the summer of 1905, with the active participation of Sun Yat-sen, Huang Xing, Song Jiaozhen, the Union of Chinese Renaissance and revolutionary organizations operating in various provinces merged into a single "Chinese Revolutionary United Union", or "United Union" ("Tongmenhui") led by Sun Yat-sen. In November 1905, the organ of the United Union, the newspaper Ming Bao (People's Newspaper), began to be published in Japan. It systematically published articles and information about the Russian revolution.

The "United Union" became an influential political organization. By 1906, the number of its members reached 10,000. In almost all provinces, local illegal organizations of the union were created. The influence of the "United Union" in the army grew.

The social composition of the members of the "United Union" was heterogeneous. It was attended by representatives of the national bourgeoisie, the petty bourgeoisie of the city, and partly the peasantry. At the same time, liberal-landlord elements were also represented in the union. The program declaration of the "United Union", drawn up by Sun Yat-sen, provided for "the expulsion of the Manchu barbarians", "the revival of China", "the establishment of a republic", "the equalization of land rights".

During that period, Sun Yat-sen put forward the "Three People's Principles". They were first stated in 1905 in the first issue of Ming Bao, and formulated in expanded form in 1907.

The first principle is nationalism- meant the desire to turn China into a truly independent state. Sun Yat-sen believed then that the main condition for achieving this goal was the overthrow of the Manchu dynasty. The program documents of the "United Union" did not provide for open action against the imperialist powers. Sun Yat-sen and his supporters naively believed that the Western powers would assist in the renewal of China. True, Sun Yat-sen was already beginning to understand that such help should be expected not from the capitalists, but from the progressive forces of Europe and America. In 1906, in a letter to N. K. Sudzilovsky, he noted that American capitalists "are not so stupid as to commit commercial suicide by helping China gain its own industrial power and become independent", and expressed the hope that "disinterested people all over the world gradually begin to understand that the rebirth of the fourth part of humanity will be a boon for all.

The second principle is democracy- provided for the struggle for the creation of a bourgeois-democratic republic in China.

The third principle is public welfare- included a plan to resolve the agrarian issue by ensuring "equal rights to land." Sun Yat-sen believed that this could be done by taxing all landlords "according to the price of the land," that is, by withdrawing differential rent from the state. With this money the state will be able to redeem the landlords' lands. If we discard the utopian shell of Sun Yat-sen's plan, then its implementation would be tantamount to the nationalization of the land.

Sun Yat-sen argued that putting the "Three Principles" into practice would allow China to bypass capitalism and develop along a socialist path.

VI Lenin in his work "Democracy and Populism in China" gave a profound analysis of Sun Yat-sen's program.

"Fighting, sincere democracy," V. I. Lenin pointed out, "impregnates every line of Sun Yat-sen's platform" *. At the same time, V. I. Lenin notes that Sun Yat-sen’s ideology of militant democracy is combined, “firstly, with socialist dreams, with the hope of bypassing the path of capitalism for China, to prevent capitalism, and secondly, with the plan and preaching of a radical agrarian reform” **.

VI Lenin explains this feature of Sun Yat-sen's worldview by the objective conditions in which the Chinese liberation movement developed. The establishment of a republic in China was impossible without a tremendous spiritual and revolutionary upsurge of the masses. And this presupposed and engendered the most sincere sympathy of Sun Yat-sen and other Chinese democrats for the condition of the working people. Meanwhile, in Europe and America, where the advanced Chinese borrowed their liberation ideas, liberation from the yoke of the bourgeoisie, i.e., socialism, was in the order of the day. On this basis arose subjective the socialism of the Chinese democrats, their desire to abolish the oppression and exploitation of the masses. But objective China's conditions put forward only one particular type of this oppression and exploitation - feudalism.

“And now it turns out that from the subjective socialist thoughts and programs of the Chinese democrat, in fact, a program of“ changing all legal foundations ”is obtained. only one"real property", the destruction program only one feudal exploitation.

In that essence populism of Sun Yat-sen, his progressive, militant, revolutionary program of bourgeois-democratic agrarian reforms and his supposedly socialist theory.

The implementation of Sun Yat-sen's agrarian program, that is, the nationalization of the land, which is theoretically possible even under capitalism, would create the most favorable conditions for the rapid development of capitalism in China.

Sun Yat-sen and his supporters had to wage an ideological struggle against the liberal constitutionalists who revived their activities. Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao urged their supporters to unite in the name of fighting for the constitution. Societies and organizations of constitutionalists arose in various provinces. The struggle ended with the victory of the revolutionary-democratic wing. However, the liberals have by no means left the political arena. Although the influence of Kang Youwei and his associates

period of the reform movement weakened, even within the "United Union" there were many figures who were afraid of the revolutionary activity of the masses. They became the main support of those who strove for a compromise with the forces of reaction.

Revolutionary performances 1906-1908

After the beginning of the Russian revolution, there was an upsurge of the revolutionary movement in a number of provinces in China. In 1906, numerous uprisings and unrest of peasants unfolded in Central and South China, caused by famine as a result of natural disasters and extortions from the landowners and officials. In December 1906, a major uprising broke out in the area of ​​Pingxiang - Liuyang - Lilin (province of Jiangxi). The miners of Pingxiang were the first to rise. They were supported by the peasants of Liuyang and Lilin and the soldiers of the local garrisons. Soon the number of armed insurgents reached 30,000. Part of the insurgents acted under the slogans of the "United Union". But this uprising was still dominated by features characteristic of spontaneous peasant uprisings.

In 1907-1908. continued uprisings of peasants, unrest among the soldiers. Several performances were organized by local branches of the United Union. His prestige and influence increased significantly.

A distinctive feature of the revolutionary struggle of this period was the combination of spontaneous uprisings of the old type with actions led by bourgeois-democratic revolutionary organizations. “In China,” V.I. Lenin noted in 1908, “the revolutionary movement against the Middle Ages also made itself known with particular force in recent months. True, nothing definite can yet be said about this particular movement—there is so little information about it and so abundant news about rebellions in various parts of China—but a strong growth of the “new spirit” and “European trends” in China, especially after the Russo-Japanese war is beyond doubt, and consequently the transition of the old Chinese rebellions into a conscious democratic movement is inevitable.

China on the eve of the revolution

In 1907-1908. the liberal bourgeois-landowner opposition carried out the first petition campaign. Petitions sent to Beijing contained wishes for the early opening of parliament. In October 1909, advisory assemblies were formed in 22 provinces under the governors and governors. Such a concession could no longer satisfy anyone. In the spring and autumn of 1910, the liberals launched new petition campaigns. The government convened a Supreme Council Chamber, composed half of the representatives of the deliberative assemblies of the provinces and half of the persons appointed by the regent. The House also supported the demand for the early opening of Parliament. Soon the government announced that the constitution would be introduced not in 1916, but in 1913.

These measures, however, could no longer stop the growth of the revolutionary movement. Everywhere there were demands for the immediate convocation of Parliament. More and more layers were drawn into the revolutionary movement. Beginning in 1910, it enters a period of a new upsurge. Revolutionary actions are becoming more and more dangerous for the government.

On January 8, 1910, the "United Union" organized an uprising by the soldiers of the Guangzhou garrison. But due to insufficient preparation, only part of the troops marched, which was defeated. The leaders of the uprising died in battle.

A new uprising in Guangzhou was scheduled for April 1911. Before preparing the uprising, Huang Xing headed the center. On April 27, detachments of revolutionary troops attacked the residence of the governor-general. After stubborn street fighting, they were defeated by government troops. Several hundred revolutionaries died in battle or were executed. The patriots managed to pick up the remains of 72 heroes of the uprising on the streets of Guangzhou and bury them in a mass grave on Huanghuagan Hill. This grave has become one of the shrines of the Chinese people.

Simultaneously with the revolutionary uprisings prepared by the United Union, large-scale spontaneous anti-feudal uprisings of the popular masses continued in different parts of the country. In 1910, 80 food riots were registered. The largest of them was the April "rice riot" in the center of Hunan province - the city of Changsha.

The events of 1910 and the first half of 1911 showed that the development of the revolutionary situation was approaching the threshold beyond which the revolution began. The policy of the Qing government only exacerbated the situation.

On May 9, 1911, it issued a decree on the nationalization of railways and railway construction. Following this, an agreement was signed with a banking consortium of England, France, Germany and the United States on a bonded loan to continue the construction of railways. Thus, the nationalization announced by the government meant that railway construction finally came under the control of foreign capital. Chinese shareholders of railway joint-stock companies in the provinces of Hunan, Sichuan, Guangdong and Hubei were not only excluded from further participation in construction, but also lost a significant share of their capital, because the value of the shares was only partially reimbursed.

These measures caused great excitement among the merchants and part of the landowners who owned shares. The broad masses were also outraged by the anti-national policy of the Qing government. Unrest began, which took on a particularly large scale in Sichuan. In September 1911, an uprising broke out there, during which the governor general was killed. The government managed to suppress the uprising, but this was already its last victory. Discontent and unrest, especially strong in Central China, continued to grow. The revolution began.

Uchan uprising. The beginning of the revolution

After the suppression of the Guangzhou uprising in 1911, the Wuhan region (tri-city: Wuchang, Hanyang, Hankou) became the center of the revolutionary activity of the "United Union". Wuhan was the center of the metallurgical, textile and tea industries, a large number of banks and trading firms were concentrated here. There were many educational institutions in Wuhan, there was a large military garrison. Local revolutionary organizations carried on agitation among the troops, among young students, the petty bourgeoisie, and workers. They were associated with secret peasant societies.

The news of the uprising in Sichuan intensified the activity of the revolutionary organizations of Wuchang. On October 9, there was an explosion of ammunition at the secret apartment of the revolutionaries. Lists of members of the organization fell into the hands of the police. The arrests began. On the morning of October 10, the arrested revolutionaries were publicly executed. Those who remained at large decided to act immediately.

On the evening of October 10, the soldiers of the revolutionary-minded units of the garrison rebelled. The entire garrison went over to their side. Workers and students spoke.

October 10, 1911 was the day of the beginning of the revolution, which entered the history of the liberation struggle of the Chinese people under the name of the Xinhai Revolution

After the transfer of Wuchang into the hands of the rebels, the question arose about creation of revolutionary power. Moderate elements from the leadership of the local organizations of the "United Union" sought an agreement with the liberal reformers, who announced they would join the revolution. The question of organization-power was decided at a meeting of representatives of the troops, merchants, officials and members of the Hubei Provincial Advisory Committee - liberal elements prevailed on it. The head of the civil administration was the chairman of the provincial council

a careful committee, and Colonel Li Yuanhong, who had served the Manchu government only yesterday, was approved as military governor and commander of the troops. Later, a prominent leader of the "United Union" Huang Xing became the head of the revolutionary government in Wuchang.

The Wuchang uprising served as a signal for the rapid development of the revolution throughout the country. Within a few days, the power of the Chinese government in the cities of Hankou and Hanyang adjoining Wuchang was liquidated. Then other cities and provinces went over to the side of the revolution. In October the revolution was victorious in the provinces of Hunan, Jiangxi, Shaanxi, Shanxi, Yunnan, and in November in Anhui, Jiangsu, Guangdong, Zhejiang, and others. In early November, Shanghai passed into the hands of the insurgent soldiers and workers. 15 provinces refused to submit to the Qing government.

In most of these provinces, armed clashes took place between revolutionary detachments and government troops. Largest dimensions the civil war took hold in Central China, where the main forces of government troops were sent.

The troops that revolted in Wuchang, Shanghai and other cities became the core of the revolutionary army. It was formed from volunteers - peasants, workers, students, the petty bourgeoisie of the cities. A correspondent of one of the Russian newspapers wrote in October 1911: “Central China is engulfed in a peasant revolution. The villagers flock to the cities, the tillers, armed with hoes, bring supplies to the revolutionaries, join the detachments, give horses and carts for transportation. The arsenals of small towns have been devastated, weapons have been distributed to the population. In the cities occupied by the revolutionaries, patriotic processions are organized with banners on which there are inscriptions: "Liberated China."

The workers actively participated in the revolutionary events. Shortly after the start of the revolution, 15,000 construction workers on the Sichuan-Hankow railway joined the revolutionaries. They were led by advanced workers who received their first training in the class struggle in the Bolshevik organizations of the CER. The workers took an active part in overthrowing the old regime in Hankow and Shanghai.

A prominent role in the revolutionary events was played by students and young students. The first in China, the Wuchang Student Union was organized along the lines of delegate meetings and elders of the revolutionary students of Russia. Young patriots volunteered for the revolutionary army.

Although the successes of the revolution were achieved as a result of the selfless struggle of the popular masses, the liberals seized the predominant position in the new organs of power. In some

In the provinces, power passed to advisory committees. The liberals sought to limit the scope of the revolution, to come to an agreement with the feudal lords and the Peking government.

political situation in the north. Qing Dynasty Attempts to Suppress the Revolution

The early successes of the revolution foreshadowed the end of the Qing Dynasty. One of the foreign correspondents who was in Beijing wrote: “The government in Beijing was already dead, and the empire lay in ruins. The uprising swept away in four weeks, everything: the government, the cabinet and the ministers, disappeared from sight. The imperial army, which was supposed to take Wuchang, was paralyzed. The capital was engulfed in panic…”

In this difficult situation, the Qing decided to call Yuan Shikai to power. Yuan Shikai, who betrayed the reformers in 1898 and was one of the executioners of the Yihetuan anti-imperialist uprising, until 1908 played a prominent role in the government apparatus. He enjoyed great influence in the Biyan (Northern) army, the command staff of which to a large extent consisted of his adherents. Yuan Shikai's participation in the reforms of the Cixi government in the early years of the 20th century gave reason to hope for Yuan Shikai's rapprochement with the liberal elements of the southern provinces, in which the revolution had won.

In mid-October, the regent appointed Yuan Shikai governor-general of the central provinces and entrusted him with the suppression of the uprising. But the cunning politician waited. Only when he was convinced that he would be supported by the imperialist powers, and that it might be possible to reach an agreement with the liberals of the South, did he agree to lead the fight against the revolution. At the same time, Yuan Shikai achieved the granting of unlimited powers to him. He was now appointed prime minister and commander of the troops of the Qing government.

On November 27, Yuan Shikai's troops occupied Hanyang, but their further advance was halted. There was a certain balance of forces at the front. From the very beginning, Yuan Shikai sought to establish contact with the leaders of the revolutionary South in order to cause a split in the leadership of the revolutionary army. In early December, hostilities ceased in the area of ​​Wuchang and Hankow. Negotiations began, during which an agreement was reached on the cessation of hostilities in other provinces. When discussing political issues, the representatives of Yuan Shikai agreed to establish a constitutional monarchy, but the representatives of the revolutionary army demanded the abdication of the Qing and the proclamation of a republic.

Negotiations dragged on. The liberal elements of the southern provinces were increasingly striving for an agreement with Yuan Shikai. At one of the meetings, it was decided to elect Yuan Shikai as president if he recognizes the republic. At the same time, Yuan Shikai's position in Beijing was strengthened. In early December, at his request, regent Tsai Li resigned. Yuan Shikai almost completely freed himself from the control of the Qing dynasty.

Republic proclamation. Election of Sun Yat-sen as interim president

In the revolutionary camp, there was an urgent need to create a central government that would unite under its rule all the provinces that had gone over to the side of the revolution. At the end of November, a unified command of all revolutionary troops was created. Huang Xing became commander-in-chief, and Li Yuanhong became his deputy.

On December 13, representatives of the revolutionary provinces gathered in Nanjing to elect a provisional president of the Republic of China. In connection with ongoing negotiations with Yuan Shikai, it was decided to postpone the election of the president, and for the time being to entrust his duties to the commander-in-chief. At the same time, Huang Xing was removed and replaced by Li Yuanhong, whose candidacy suited the right-wing liberal elements more.

Sun Yat-sen, whom the first news of the revolution found in America, returned to his homeland (Shanghai) only on December 25th. He was enthusiastically received by the masses. Even the Nanjing conference delegates, most of whom were liberals, considering the popularity of the leader of Chinese democracy, nominated Sun Yat-sen for the post of interim president. On December 29, the Nanjing Conference, now the National Assembly, proclaimed China a republic and elected Sun Yat-sen its provisional president. At the same time, the National Assembly turned to Sun Yat-sen with a request to assure Yuan Shikai by a special telegram that as soon as the negotiations between the North and the South were successfully completed, he, Sun Yat-sen, would resign.

On January 1, 1912, Sun Yat-sen solemnly arrived in Nanjing and assumed the duties of president.

The proclamation of China as a republic and the election of Sun Yat-sen as president were a major victory for the revolution. “It suggests itself,” wrote V. I. Lenin, “a comparison of the interim president of a republic in wild, dead, Asian China and various presidents of republics in Europe, America, and countries of advanced culture. local the presidents of the republics are all businessmen, agents or puppets in the hands of the bourgeoisie, rotten through and through, stained with mud and blood...

The local Asian provisional president of the republic is a revolutionary democrat, full of nobility and heroism...”*.

V. I. Lenin pointed out that “Chinese freedom was won by an alliance between the peasant democrats and the liberal bourgeoisie”**.

As events unfolded, the desire of the liberals to limit the revolution intensified. The "United Union", having become a legal organization, significantly expanded its membership. The number of its members increased from 10,000 to 300,000. This growth was mainly due to the bourgeois-landlord elements. The organization did not have a single leading center. The demand for "equal rights to land" was removed from its program. New political organizations of the right, liberal direction arose.

Right-wing Republicans were afraid of the people. The new organs of power that arose in the southern and central provinces began to send punitive expeditions against the peasants. In Shanghai, the local government disarmed workers who had seized rifles from the arsenal during the uprising. The liberals sought to come to terms with the feudal lords and foreign imperialists. They bond with Yuan Shikai. In turn, the latter expressed his readiness to break with the Qings. Now he is becoming the idol of the liberals, their leader.

The pressure of the liberal elements affected the activities of the Nanjing government created by Sun Yat-sen, in which they constituted the majority. Of all the ministers, only Minister of War Huang Xing was a prominent participant in the revolutionary movement. It is not surprising that the Nanking government did nothing to deepen the revolution, resolve the agrarian question, or satisfy other economic and political demands of the masses.

Revolution and imperialist powers

Foreign colonialists were frightened by the revolution that had begun in China. Immediately after the outbreak of the Wuchang uprising, at a conference of consuls in Hankow, the question of the use of armed force against the rebels was discussed. The British representative spoke in favor of the immediate deployment of foreign warships. But the majority considered it necessary to wait for further developments. The imperialist powers soon became convinced that the Qing monarchy was rapidly collapsing. It also turned out that the Republicans are not going to encroach on unequal treaties. In addition, sharp contradictions between various powers affected. All this forced them to refrain from open intervention and declare neutrality in the outbreak of the civil war. But the neutrality of the imperialists was false. In fact, they openly supported Yuan Shikai. In November, more than 50 foreign warships with 19,000 personnel were in Chinese waters. Troops landed in ports. The imperialists supplied Yuan Shikai's troops with weapons. They exerted all kinds of pressure on the republican authorities, demanding from them an agreement with Yuan Shikai.

Renunciation of the Manchu dynasty. Transfer of power to Yuan Shikai

After the formation of the Nanking republican government, the final collapse of the Qing monarchy became inevitable. In an effort to paralyze the further development of the revolution, Yuan Shikai now expressed his readiness to liquidate the Bogdykhan's power. Describing the situation in China, V. I. Lenin noted that there “there is already a liberal bourgeoisie, whose leaders, like Yuan Shikai, are most capable of treason: yesterday they were afraid of the Bogdykhan, groveling before him; later, when they saw strength, when they felt the victory of revolutionary democracy, they betrayed the Bogdykhan, and tomorrow they will betray the democrats for the sake of a deal with some old or new "constitutional" Bogdykhan" *.

On February 12, 1912, on behalf of the infant emperor Pu Yi, the abdication of the dynasty was announced. Yuan Shikai was asked to form a new republican government. The next day, Sun Yat-sen submitted his resignation to the National Assembly. On February 15, the National Assembly elected Yuan Shikai as provisional president of the ROC.

Sun Yat-sen's departure was predetermined by the balance of class forces that developed at that time. Pointing out that Chinese freedom had been won by an alliance of peasant democracy and the liberal bourgeoisie, V. I. Lenin expressed doubts about whether the peasants, not led by the party of the proletariat, would be able to maintain their democratic position against liberals who are only waiting for an opportune moment to spill over to the right...”**.

After the renunciation of the bogdykhan, Sun Yat-sen's position became ambivalent and difficult. Liberals turned their backs on him. Sun Yat-sen embodied the alliance between the revolutionary bourgeoisie and the people, and the liberals tore up this alliance and betrayed the people. For them, Sun Yat-sen became superfluous. Foreign powers threatened to openly intervene if hostilities resumed between North and South. The departure of Sun Yat-sen and the transfer of power to Yuan Shikai reflected the inconsistency of the Chinese bourgeois revolutionaries, their class limitations.

On March 10, 1912, the National Assembly adopted the provisional constitution of the Republic of China, which proclaimed equal rights for all citizens, freedom of speech, press, organizations, religion, etc. At the suggestion of Sun Yat-sen, a clause was adopted on the creation of a cabinet of ministers responsible to the parliament. However, having taken the path of limiting the revolution by transferring power to Yuan Shikai, the National Assembly did not have the real strength to implement this constitution.

Establishment of the dictatorship of landlords, compradors and militarists

The National Assembly decided that the seat of government would be Nanjing, where Yuan Shikai would be under certain control by the assembly and the revolutionary army. But he, under various pretexts, refused to move to Nanjing. The Legislative Assembly, which was created by the merger of the Nanjing National Assembly and the Beijing Council Chamber, opened its sessions at the end of April already in Beijing. Feudal elements were stronger here. The Beijing area was controlled by the troops of the northern militarists. At first, Yuan Shikai was still forced outwardly to maintain the appearance of loyalty to the constitution, but he led the matter towards the establishment of a military dictatorship.

The proclamation of the republic did not improve the situation of the broad masses. In the spring and summer of 1912, large-scale peasant uprisings and unrest took place in Guangdong, Hubei, Hunan, Henan, and Jiangxi. Uprisings often began with peasants refusing to pay rent. Unrest continued in the cities. Unsuccessful attempts at new revolutionary actions were made by some of the soldiers and officers of the garrisons of Hunan and Hubei.

The masses continued to fight, but they had no leadership. The working class was still weak, did not have its own party. The United Union organizations believed that the revolution was already over. Not only did they not support popular uprisings, but in most cases they took an active part in their suppression. Sun Yat-sen temporarily withdrew from active participation in the political struggle. Having taken the post of general director of the railways, he shifted his attention to economic issues, railway construction, etc. During this period, the inability of the bourgeoisie to become a genuine leader of the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggle of the masses became especially clear.

Suppressing popular uprisings, Yuan Shnkai at the same time eliminated honest Republicans, supporters of Sun Yat-sen, from the army and the state apparatus. By June 1912, two-thirds of the soldiers of the southern revolutionary troops were demobilized. At the same time, the armies of the northern militarists were strengthened.

Yuan Shikai, who on the eve of coming to power was the idol of the liberals, now became the spokesman for the interests of the landlords and compradors.

Liberation movement of the oppressed peoples

Among the reasons that caused the revolution, the contradictions between the exploiting classes of China and the oppressed nationalities of the empire were of no small importance. The revolution also engulfed its national outskirts.

The purely feudal nature of social and political relations left its mark on the content and forms of the liberation movement of the peoples of Mongolia, Tibet and Xinjiang. It was headed by spiritual and secular feudal lords. This circumstance, and also to an even greater extent the great-power nationalist views of many Chinese revolutionaries, led to the fact that there was no direct connection between the Chinese revolutionary organizations and the liberation movement of the peoples of the national outskirts of the empire.

The liberation movement of the Mongolian people, who proclaimed state independence during the revolution, had the greatest scope.

The situation in Tibet was extremely difficult. In an effort to consolidate their control, the Qing government, shortly before the revolution, sent a military expedition there, which brutally cracked down on the Tibetans. The spiritual and secular ruler of Tibet (the Dalai Lama) fled from Lhasa to British-controlled Sikkim. When it became known in Lhasa about the revolutionary events in Central China, part of the Chinese garrison went over to the side of the Republicans and returned from Tibet to their homeland. By the end of 1911, actual control over Tibet passed to the local government. After the renunciation of the Qing, the Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa and led the fight against the Chinese troops. Yuan Shikai's desire to completely subjugate Tibet gave the British imperialists a pretext for interfering in Tibetan affairs. English troops entered. Soon, succumbing to British pressure, Yuan Shikai suspended the military offensive against Tibet and recognized the administration of the Dalai Lama, who was becoming increasingly dependent on England.

In Xinjiang, the revolutionary events turned into a civil war between the supporters of the "United Union", who seized power in the Ili region, and the troops of the governor of the province. The Uyghurs, Mongols, Kazakhs, Dungans, and Kirghiz entered the military units formed by the Republicans as volunteers. However, the victory of the revolution did not change the position of the oppressed peoples of Xinjiang.

Creation of the Kuomintang Party. "Second Revolution"

The political course of Yuan Shikai, and in particular his desire to establish a military dictatorship, led to the fact that even some of the liberals began to treat him with distrust. Many members and leaders of the United Union were now in opposition to Yuan Shikai. In August 1912, on the basis of the merger of the "United Union" with other liberal organizations, the Kuomintang Party ("National Party") arose. Sun Yat-sen was elected chairman of the board of the party.

The Kuomintang was different from the "United Union" of the pre-revolutionary period. The Kuomintang program was a significant step backwards. The demand for "equal rights to land" was completely removed. The program emphasized that the revolution was over and the main goal of the party was to preserve the republican system and strengthen local self-government. Thus, the "United Union" finally degenerated into a liberal bourgeois-landowner party.

In the first elections to the Chinese parliament, the Kuomintang party won the majority of seats. But Yuan Shikai did not reckon with the parliament, he began to remove members of the Kuomintang from their posts. On March 20, 1913, on the secret orders of Yuan Shikai, one of the leaders of the Kuomintang, Song Jiaoren, who had been nominated for the post of prime minister, was assassinated.

Yuan Shikai was actively supported by the imperialist powers. A banking consortium of European powers provided him with a large loan, the agreement on which was signed contrary to Parliament. “New Chinese loan concluded against Chinese Democracy: "Europe" behind Yuan Shih-kai preparing a military dictatorship,”* wrote V. I. Lenin.

Sun Yat-sen strongly opposed the policy of Yuan Shikai. He defiantly resigned the post of director general of the railways and demanded Yuan Shikai's resignation. Following that, Sun Yat-sen appealed to the people with an appeal to start a "second revolution." He was supported by the generals who commanded troops in the South. They raised an uprising. On May 11, 1913 hostilities began.

But the political situation in 1913 was different from the situation in 1911. The masses of the people were drained of blood and disorganized. Only in the provinces of Henan and Shaanxi did a large-scale peasant uprising, led by Bai Lang, unfold. The hostilities between the rebellious armies of the South and the troops of Yuan Shikai ended in the defeat of the southerners. Sun Yat-sen and other leaders of the uprising were forced to emigrate abroad in August 1913. Deputies of the Parliament - th Zgindan members were deprived of their mandates, and the activities of the party were banned. Yuan Shikai sent a large force against Bai Lang's rebel army. The fighting continued until August 1914, when the rebels were defeated.

In an atmosphere of terror, Yuan Shikai was elected permanent president. In early 1914, he dissolved parliament. A few months later, a new constitution was published, granting dictatorial powers to the president and preparing the way for the restoration of the monarchy.

Results and historical significance of the revolution of 1911-1913.

In terms of its tasks, the revolution of 1911-1913. was a bourgeois revolution that was anti-feudal in nature and objectively directed against imperialism (the forces of feudal reaction were the internal support of the colonialists and therefore were openly supported by foreign imperialists).

The most important outcome of the revolution was the overthrow of the Manchu dynasty and the establishment of a republic. However, the main tasks of the revolution turned out to be unresolved. Feudal oppression and the dominance of foreign colonizers have been preserved. Although the establishment of the republic was an important progressive event in the history of the Chinese people, there were no fundamental changes in the political superstructure of semi-colonial and semi-feudal China. Only the form has changed. The same social forces that dominated under the Qing monarchy remained in power. Thus, in essence, the revolution of 1911-1913. ended in defeat.

The defeat of the revolution was explained by the unfavorable international situation and the correlation of class forces within the country. International imperialism and Chinese reaction united against the revolution. And the social forces that propelled the revolution forward proved insufficiently powerful to crush the united front of the enemies of the revolution that opposed them.

The main driving force of the revolution was the masses of the people, and above all the peasantry of Central, Southern and Eastern China. But under the conditions when the revolution was led by the national bourgeoisie, the revolutionary energy and revolutionary potential of the masses could not be fully developed. Even the representatives of the revolutionary wing of the national bourgeoisie did not have a consistent anti-imperialist and anti-feudal program and did not mobilize the masses. As for the liberals, they played a treacherous role in clearing the way for Yuan Shikai's dictatorship. The peasant democracy, devoid of a proletarian leadership, “has not been able to maintain its independent position against the liberals.

Despite the defeat, the Chinese revolution of 1911-1913. was of great, world-historical significance, it testified to the political awakening of the Chinese people.

VI Lenin and the Russian Bolsheviks actively supported the liberation struggle of the Chinese people. They saw in the Chinese revolution an ally of the international working-class movement, an ally of the proletariat of Russia and other countries in the struggle for socialism. In the special resolution “On the Chinese Revolution” adopted at the initiative of V. I. Lenin by the All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP, it was said that the conference “ states the world significance of the revolutionary struggle of the Chinese people, which brings the liberation of Asia and undermines the rule of the European bourgeoisie, salutes the revolutionary republicans of China, testifies to the deep enthusiasm and full sympathy with which the proletariat of Russia follows the successes of the revolutionary people in China, and denounces the behavior of Russian liberalism, which supports policy of conquests of tsarism" *.