Famous personalities of the 90s. "Down pilots" from the nineties

Everywhere we use light household appliances and we cannot imagine life without electricity. V modern world this housing and communal service is perhaps one of the most demanded.

The government has set standards for electricity consumption per person, and they are constantly increasing. Thus, the state encourages citizens to install metering devices, which ultimately allow saving resource consumption.

But still a fairly large percentage of apartments are not equipped individual counters for electricity. For such owners, the calculation of consumption is made from the standard per resident and the cost of the tariff per 1 kilowatt hour.

The rate of consumption of email. energy is set by the regional authorities.

Definition of concepts

Here are a number of terms that characterize this service and are associated with it:

1. Electricity is the amount of resource that enters the general network and reaches the consumer.

2. Social consumption standard - the amount of electricity consumption established by law per person. Applies in the following cases:

  • no individual metering device installed;
  • meter readings were submitted later than the deadline;
  • the meter is out of order or deliberately damaged.

3. Kilowatt hour - the amount of energy consumed by household lighting and other appliances.

4. Basic tariff - the total expression of the cost of a unit of electricity for apartments and houses equipped with gas stoves and central heating.

Legal framework

Legislative acts on issues related to the establishment and application of electricity consumption standards are as follows:

  • Federal Law No. 614 “On the procedure for establishing and applying the social norm for the consumption of electrical energy”;
  • Federal Law No. 35 "On the electric power industry";
  • Federal Law No. 261 “On Energy Saving and Improving Energy Efficiency and on Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts Russian Federation»;
  • regional regulations, establishing the standard of the resource per one living in a residential building and the rules for applying the social norm.

It should be noted that the state draws the attention of citizens to saving natural resources, therefore, it takes measures to ensure that metering devices are installed in homes. In order to stimulate the population, it is necessary to apply increasing coefficients when calculating electricity prices. Then it simply becomes unprofitable to pay more than is actually spent. And the real consumption can be determined only by individual metering devices.

Norm of electricity consumption without a meter per person (size) by region

It is not always possible to install apartment meters for electricity. If technical possibility missing, then to calculate the cost public service consumption standards set by the regional authorities will apply. This is an average and does not always correspond to real numbers.

It must be borne in mind that if it is impossible to install a meter for technical reasons and for that there is an inspection report, then citizens pay according to the standard. If they simply do not want to install it, increasing coefficients are applied and the electricity consumption fee becomes higher every year. It is impossible to install meters, as a rule, in dilapidated and emergency houses. Therefore, they will not be affected by the increase in tariffs.

For the first time, electricity standards were introduced in 2013. In 2019, the consumption rate in Russia is 350 kWh per person, while the cost of 1 kWh is about 3 rubles. Each region has the right to set its own numbers.

The rate of electricity consumption per person depends on the following parameters:

  • the number of rooms in the dwelling;
  • the number of family members living in an apartment or house without installed individual metering devices;
  • apartment or private house;
  • whether there is a connection to the gas used for cooking;
  • whether electrical installations are used as heating devices;
  • housing is located in the city or in the countryside.

For comparison, a table is presented that shows the consumption rates according to the Decrees of the government of the respective territories:

Town The maximum rate for a single citizen in one-room apartment, kWh The maximum value for a family for each of its members in a one-room apartment, kWh
With gas stove With electric stove With gas stove With electric stove
Moscow 94 144 32 49
Saint Petersburg 139 196 47 67
Novosibirsk 156 213 53 73
Permian 185 263 63 89
Volgograd 123 173 42 59
Vologda 97 147 33 50
Yaroslavl 81 108 28 37
Omsk 97 165 33 56
Yekaterinburg 102 160 35 54
Tyumen 135 210 46 72
Permian 117 192 40 65
Kazan 123 173 42 59
Rostov-on-Don 132 182 45 62
Barnaul (Altai) 176,56 232,01 60,04 78,88
Novosibirsk 108 156 37 53
Samara 103 124 35 42

You will find more detailed information in the resolutions “On approval of the standards for utility services for electricity supply in the city or region”:

For the application of the standards, additional conditions are used:

  • for rural residents, the rate increases by 90 kW / h;
  • a single pensioner pays for electricity for the first year at a tariff below the established one, then the social standard is applied;
  • if country house has an electrical connection and no meter is installed, the fee is calculated for one person.

In addition, the increase in payment according to the standard will also affect the amount of ODN in buildings that are not equipped with common house metering devices. Increasing coefficients will be applied to such residential buildings every year, which will certainly fall on the shoulders of the citizens living in them. The only exceptions are those buildings where it is impossible to install devices without reconstructing networks, as well as those that fall into the category of dilapidated and emergency, which are planned for resettlement.

Note that in the event of a meter failure, three months are given to replace it, during which the resource fee will be calculated from the average consumption for the previous three months. From the fourth month, if the device is not replaced, the consumption standard will be applied, which will cost the consumer much more.

How to calculate

S = K * N * T, where

  • S - the amount that the family must pay for the use of electricity without a meter;
  • K - the number of people in the family (registered in the dwelling);
  • N is the standard for the amount of electricity per person, approved by the regional authorities;
  • T - tariff for 1 kW / hour.

From the comparative table of the standard, it is clear that it is difficult to meet it. And resource consumption in excess of the norm is paid at a higher rate. Therefore, if possible, it is recommended to install meters and pay according to actual consumption.

It is possible to reduce electricity consumption by following a few simple rules. Citizens themselves are interested in reducing energy consumption, who treat carefully not only their money, but also natural resources. Therefore, it is enough to know that much less energy is consumed by:

  • household appliances marked with A, A+, A++;
  • energy-saving and LED lamps;
  • an electric kettle that is descaled in time (if possible, it is better to boil water in an ordinary kettle on a gas stove);
  • air conditioning switched on closed windows and doors;
  • a refrigerator located away from batteries, sunlight, etc.

The government thought about introducing a social norm for electricity consumption with a sharp increase in tariffs in case the established limit is exceeded. It is reported on Tuesday.

According to the new project, monthly electricity consumption at the level of 300 kWh will be considered a social norm requiring a minimum payment.

If this limit is exceeded, then the increased tariff comes into force. If monthly expense exceeds 500 kWh, then the “economically justified tariff” will be applied.

Not for a person, but for a point

At the same time, the volume of energy consumption will be fixed not per person, but per “connection point”, that is, per household. This category includes single pensioners and families with children. With an average household size of 2.5 people and an average consumption of 220 kWh per month, most households should meet the social norm, ACRA experts believe.

According to the newspaper, the new scheme for limiting electricity consumption was approved by the Deputy Prime Minister at a meeting and the Ministry of Economy, which took place on September 19. It is noted that the ministries and the Federal Antimonopoly Service were instructed to submit draft regulatory documents by January 15, 2019.

In fact, draft regulatory documents are proposed to be submitted by Epiphany frosts, that is, in the coldest time of the year.

The Russian authorities tried to introduce a similar energy consumption scheme in 2013-2014, but later this project was frozen.

In 2013, in seven pilot regions, the norm was set at 50-190 kWh per month per person, from July 2014 it was supposed to work throughout the country.

This norm was criticized by the president, noting too significant an increase in tariffs that would be required.

“And in Murmansk, you say, in some municipalities by more than 200 percent. Have you gone crazy, or something, ”Putin said in February 2013.

Reducing factors will be removed

In January 2014, the reform was postponed for two years, and by 2016 it was no longer remembered. The social norm was again discussed in the summer as part of a discussion of the problems of cross-subsidizing - raising prices for some consumer groups in order to reduce tariffs for others. Then the Ministry of Energy estimated the volume of the "crossroads" in 2017 at 368 billion rubles, and by 2022 - at 417 billion rubles. To reduce it by 2022 to the planned 89 billion rubles. an increase in tariffs for the population by 13.9% per year was required, which was also considered impossible.

The new version of the social norm will apparently be softer than the scheme that was introduced in 2013-2014. But at the same time, the government can reduce the list of consumers equated with the privileged part of the population, and completely abandon the benefits for rural residents and city dwellers living in apartments with electric stoves.

For citizens in need of social support, subsidies are expected. Now these are horticultural and horticultural partnerships, garage cooperatives, outbuildings of the population (for example, sheds and cellars), religious organizations, housing at military units, places of deprivation of liberty, etc. Separately, a “phased reduction factor” from 0.7 to 1 is described. .

We are talking about the gradual abolition of preferential tariffs for villagers, as well as apartments with electric stoves or electric heating.

The Ministry of Economic Development proposed to index tariffs from January 1, synchronizing it with the increase in VAT.

“On August 4, the Federal Law was adopted on amending the Tax Code in terms of increasing the amount of VAT from 18% to 20% from January 1, 2019. In accordance with the existing regulatory framework, this increase will be retransmitted into payments for housing and communal services. At the same time, the actual increase in tariffs in accordance with the law can only occur from July 1, 2019, ”said the message received by Gazeta.Ru.

The ministry noted that as a result, in addition to the 1.7% VAT increase, in accordance with current legislation, the tariffs will also include the cost of paying VAT for the first half of 2019, which will further increase their growth for the population.

The Ministry of Economic Development also noted that they are additionally working on the amount of tariff indexation in 2019 so that the total change in tariffs in 2019 does not exceed the target inflation rate of 4%.

These innovations relate to the current housing and communal services system. And in new buildings, the authorities decided to immediately introduce intelligent energy accounting systems.

It is noted that he has already sent his proposals to. At the same time, the FAS made it clear that new houses should not be equipped with metering devices at the expense of citizens. The deputy head said that the agency would not allow the inclusion of costs for the installation of "smart" electricity meters in the tariffs.

“The government annually approves a socio-economic forecast, which establishes the possibility of indexing electricity tariffs by a certain indicator. This means that exceeding one or another parameter is unacceptable. The analysis carried out by the antimonopoly department showed that no excess of the established parameters was recorded, ”Korolev quoted RNS as saying.

The Deputy Head of the Federal Antimonopoly Service emphasized that "smart" meters will make it possible to transfer work with payment discipline to a higher quality level, since information about the debt will be sent to the energy supply organization online.

Meanwhile, Russian President Vladimir Putin said on August 27 that "pushing through" the growth of energy tariffs is unacceptable.

“Today, some subjects have developed a practice of “pushing through” unreasonable tariff increases, as a result, the proceeds do not go to the development of regional energy, but into the pockets of specific individuals close to those who make decisions of this kind,” Putin said.

After the August events of 1991, which led to the collapse of the USSR, the Russian government began an accelerated transition to the market. For consultations in the implementation of reforms, a group of foreign advisers was invited, headed by J. Sachs (USA). The government pinned its hopes on economic aid from the West.

The first step of the reforms was the liberalization of prices from January 1992 for most goods and products. Prices have increased 10-12 times in 6 months. All the savings of the population instantly depreciated. The majority of the population thus found themselves below the poverty line.

The government saw a way out in pursuing a "monetarist" policy, according to which state intervention in the economy should be minimal. The economy should be treated with "shock therapy" - unprofitable enterprises will go bankrupt, and those that survive will be reorganized to produce cheap and high-quality products.

The next step in the reforms was the privatization of state-owned enterprises. The concept of privatization was developed by the State Property Committee of Russia headed by A. Chubais. The reforms also affected the agricultural sector of the economy. In 1991, agrarian reform began, and within its framework - land reform, which meant the elimination of the monopoly of state property, the transformation of collective farms and state farms into farms and other organizational and legal forms.

The economic reform, which assumed a quick overcoming of the crisis and its consequences, eventually reached a dead end and was replaced by a survival strategy.

With the start of reforms and their high cost, political opposition to the president's policies is forming in the country. The Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation becomes the center of the opposition. The contradiction between the Soviets and the president reached a dead end. The political crisis led to an armed clash (October 3-4, 1993) between supporters of the Supreme Council and the President. It ended with the execution of Parliament and its dissolution. Having won a military victory, the President issued a Decree on holding elections to a new legislative body - the Federal Assembly. On December 12, 1993, elections were held to the Federal Assembly, consisting of two chambers - the Federation Council and the State Duma, and a referendum on the adoption of a new Constitution. 58.4% of those who participated in the voting (about 30% of the payroll) voted for the new constitution. The rights of the State Duma were much less than the powers of the dissolved Supreme Soviet and were limited to the function of passing laws.

The deterioration of the economic situation in the country led to a change in the balance of power in society. This was shown by the results of the elections to the second State Duma, held on December 17, 1995. The second Duma turned out to be more in opposition to the government and the president than the first.

Immediately after summing up the results of the Duma elections, the struggle for the presidency began. The main slogan of B.N. Yeltsin became "Zyuganov is Civil War". Re-election of B.N. Yeltsin on new term did not lead to stabilization in the country.

December 31, 1999 B.N. Yeltsin made a statement about the transfer of powers of the President to the current Prime Minister V. Putin. In accordance with the Constitution, early presidential elections were held on 26 March 2000. V. Putin was elected President of Russia, and M. Kasyanov became Prime Minister.

  • 1. Reforms in the field of local government.
  • 2. Judicial reform.
  • 3. Financial reforms
  • 4. Reforms in the field of public education and the press.
  • 5. Military reforms of 1861 - 1874. The Russian army in the second half of the 19th century.
  • 6. Significance of the reforms of 1863-1874
  • Chapter 3 Social and Economic Development of Post-Reform Russia
  • 1. Changes in land ownership and land use.
  • 2. Rural community in post-reform Russia.
  • 3. Social stratification of the post-reform village.
  • 4. Landlord economy.
  • 5. New trends in the development of agriculture. The growth of commercial agriculture.
  • 6. The growth of industry in post-reform Russia. Completion of the industrial revolution.
  • 7. The growth of the railway network and steam water transport.
  • 8. Domestic and foreign market.
  • 9. Capitalist credit and banks. Foreign capital in Russia.
  • 10. Post-reform city.
  • 11. The social composition of the population by the end of the XIX century.
  • 12. Features of the socio-economic development of post-reform Russia.
  • Chapter 4 The liberation movement of the 60s - early 80s. Russian populism
  • 1. Liberation movement 1861 - 1864
  • 2. Polish uprising of 1863 And Russian society.
  • 3. Revolutionary organizations and circles of the mid-60s and early 70s
  • 4. Russian populism of the 70s - early 80s.
  • 5. The labor movement of the 70s.
  • 6. Slavophiles in the socio-political life of post-reform Russia. Zemstvo liberal opposition movement at the turn of the 70s - 80s
  • Chapter 5 Domestic policy of the Russian autocracy in the 80s - early 90s
  • 1. The crisis of autocratic power at the turn of the 70s - 80s. maneuvering policy.
  • 2. Censorship and education
  • 3. Agrarian-peasant question
  • 5. Counter-reforms in the field of local government and the courts
  • 6. National question
  • 7. Financial and economic policy
  • 8. The results of the domestic policy of the autocracy in the 80s - 90s
  • Chapter 6 Russian foreign policy in the 60-90s of the XIX century
  • 1. The struggle of Russia for the abolition of the restrictive conditions of the Paris Peace Treaty of 1856
  • 2. Russia and European powers in the early 70s
  • 3. Russia and the Balkan crisis in the mid-70s of the XIX century. Russian-Turkish war 1877-1878
  • 4. Relations between Russia and European states in the 80-90s of the XIX century. Formation of the Russian-French Union.
  • 5. Russian policy in the Far East in the second half of the 19th century.
  • 6. Accession of Central Asia
  • Chapter 7 Russian culture in the post-reform period
  • 1. Features of the development of Russian culture in the post-reform era.
  • 2. Education, book publishing and periodicals.
  • 3. Science and technology
  • 4. Literature and art
  • Chapter 8 economic development of Russia in the late XIX - early XX centuries.
  • 2. Dynamics of industrial development in Russia in the late XIX - early XX centuries.
  • 3. Agriculture in Russia in the late XIX - early XX centuries.
  • 4. Cooperation in pre-revolutionary Russia.
  • 5. Transport status.
  • 6. Domestic and foreign trade.
  • 7. Financial system.
  • 8. Foreign capital in Russian industry.
  • 9. General total of the socio-economic development of Russia in the late XIX-early XX century.
  • Chapter 9 Russia's domestic and foreign policy at the turn of the 19th - 20th centuries.
  • 1. Personality of Nicholas II and his entourage.
  • 2. Economic policy of the government.
  • 3. The peasant question.
  • 4. Working question.
  • 5. Autocracy and Zemstvo.
  • 6. Russia's relations with the countries of Europe, the Near and Middle East at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries.
  • 7. Aggravation of international relations in the Far East.
  • Chapter 10 Russo-Japanese War 1904 - 1905
  • 1. The beginning of the war. Forces and plans of the parties
  • 2. Military operations at sea and on land in 1904
  • 3. Defense of Port Arthur.
  • 4. Military operations in 1905
  • 5. Tsushima.
  • 6. Portsmouth peace.
  • Chapter 11 liberation movement at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. Revolution of 1905 - 1907
  • 1. The strike movement of workers at the turn of the XIX - XX centuries.
  • 2. Peasant movement
  • 3. The emergence at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. Social Democratic and neo-populist parties and groups.
  • 4. The emergence of liberal opposition groups and associations
  • 5. The beginning of the revolution of 1905 - 1907 Her character and driving forces
  • 6. The growth of the revolution (spring-summer 1905)
  • 7. The highest rise of the revolution (October - December 1905)
  • 8. Retreat of the revolution (1906 - spring 1907)
  • 9. Main political parties in Russia and their programs
  • 10. I and II State Dumas
  • 11. The coup d'état of June 3, 1907. The results and significance of the revolution of 1905 - 1907.
  • Chapter 12 Domestic Policy of the Autocracy in 1907 - 1914
  • 1. "June Third" political system. III State Duma. P.A. Stolypin and his program
  • 2. Stolypin agrarian reform.
  • 3. Worker and national questions.
  • 4. Stolypin and the court camarilla. The collapse of the "Third of June" system.
  • 5. Revolutionary and social movement. IV Duma and the Russian bourgeoisie.
  • Chapter 13. Foreign policy of Russia in 1905 - 1914
  • 1. The international position of Russia after the Russo-Japanese War.
  • 2. Russia and France in 1905 - 1914
  • 3. Anglo-Russian alliance 1907
  • 4. Relations between Russia and Japan
  • 5. Russian-German relations.
  • 6. Bosnian crisis 1908 - 1909
  • 7. Potsdam Agreement 1911 With Germany.
  • 8. Russia and the Balkan Wars 1912-1913
  • 9. On the way to a world war.
  • Chapter 14 Russia in World War I
  • 1. Strategic plans and military potential of Russia and the Austro-German bloc on the eve of the First World War.
  • 2. Russia's entry into the war.
  • 3. The course of hostilities in 1914
  • 4. Turkey's entry into the war on the side of the Austro-German bloc.
  • 5. Campaign 1915
  • 6. Campaign 1916
  • 7. Diplomatic relations between Russia and its allies during the war.
  • 8. Socio-economic and political situation in Russia during the war.
  • Chapter 15 February Revolution 1917
  • 1. Causes and nature of the February Revolution
  • 2. Uprising in Petrograd on February 27, 1917
  • 3. Formation of the Provisional Government.
  • 4. Abdication of Nicholas II.
  • 5. The overthrow of the old government in Moscow and on the periphery.. The first decrees of the Provisional Government.
  • 6. The essence of dual power.
  • Chapter 16 Russian Orthodox Church in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries.
  • 1. The situation of the Russian Orthodox Church in the second half of the XIX - early XX centuries.
  • 2. Confessional policy of Alexander II and Alexander III
  • 3. Russian Orthodox Church and state at the beginning of the 20th century.
  • 4. "Paganism in Orthodoxy". The attitude of the Russian peasantry to the Orthodox Church and the clergy
  • Chronology
  • 8. Results domestic policy autocracy in the 80s - 90s

    The internal policy of the autocracy is characterized by its inconsistency. Its general direction was expressed in a rollback to reaction by "revising" and "correcting" the reforms of the 1960s and 1970s. The autocracy succeeded in carrying out a series of counter-reforms in the question of estates, in the field of education and the press, and in the sphere of local government. Its main task was to strengthen its social support - the nobility, whose positions were noticeably weakened due to the objective processes of Russia's socio-economic development during the two "turning point" post-reform decades. Hence the clearly expressed pro-nobility orientation of domestic policy in the 1980s and early 1990s.

    However, this was a temporary setback to political reaction. The reactionary forces failed to carry out the program of counter-reforms in full. The authorities were never able, for example, to carry out a judicial counter-reform, the draft of which was already ready and approved by the emperor, to revise the general legislation on peasants - the question of it was brought up for discussion in the highest government bodies in 1892. At that time there was no unity: along with the reactionary direction, which demanded a decisive "revision" of the reforms of the 60s and 70s, there was also an oppositional one, which advocated "concessions to the spirit of the times." Even among the conservatives, the most far-sighted of them understood that it was not possible to restore the old order. And the government itself could not ignore the new trends and pursued a controversial policy: along with counter-reforms, it took measures aimed at developing the country's economy, made concessions on the peasant issue, and completed reforms in the army.

    In the second half of the 1990s, a different socio-political situation took shape in the country, which did not allow the government to fully implement in practice the reactionary legislative acts it had adopted earlier. Ultimately, the reaction failed to reverse the historical process.

    Chapter 6 Russian foreign policy in the 60-90s of the XIX century

    1. The struggle of Russia for the abolition of the restrictive conditions of the Paris Peace Treaty of 1856

    After the defeat of Russia in the Crimean War (1853-1856), on March 18 (30), 1856, peace was concluded in Paris. Russia was deprived of the southern part of Bessarabia with the mouth of the Danube, but Sevastopol and other Crimean cities taken during the hostilities were returned to it, and Kars and Kars region, occupied by Russian troops, were returned to Turkey. But the condition of the Paris Treaty of 1856 that was especially difficult for Russia was the proclamation of the "neutralization" of the Black Sea. Its essence was as follows. Russia and Turkey, as Black Sea powers, were forbidden to have a navy on the Black Sea, and military fortresses and arsenals on the Black Sea coast. The Black Sea straits were declared closed to military ships of all countries, "as long as the Port is at peace." Consequently, in the event of war, the Black Sea coast of Russia turned out to be defenseless. The Treaty of Paris established the freedom of navigation of merchant ships of all countries on the Danube, which opened up scope for the wide distribution of Austrian, English and French goods on the Balkan Peninsula and caused serious damage to Russia's exports. The treaty deprived Russia of the right to protect the interests of the Orthodox population in the territory of the Ottoman Empire, which weakened Russia's influence on Middle Eastern affairs. Russia's defeat in the Crimean War undermined its prestige in the international arena.

    top priority foreign policy Russia after Crimean War it was at all costs to achieve the abolition of the articles of the Paris Treaty, which forbade her to keep a navy on the Black Sea, as well as military fortresses and arsenals on the Black Sea coast. The solution to this complex foreign policy task was brilliantly carried out by the outstanding Russian diplomat A.M. Gorchakov, who for more than a quarter of a century as Minister of Foreign Affairs (1856 - 1882) determined the foreign policy of Russia. Gorchakov was educated at the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, was a close friend of A.S. Pushkin. “A pet of fashion, a friend of great society, a brilliant observer of customs,” Pushkin said of him. Gorchakov also had a significant literary talent. After graduating from the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, Gorchakov entered the service of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. As secretary of the minister, he participated in all congresses of the Holy Alliance, then he was the attorney of the Russian embassies in London, Berlin, Florence, Tuscany, the Russian ambassador to some German states, and in 1855 - 1856. Ambassador Extraordinary in Vienna. A brilliant education, vast experience in the diplomatic service, excellent knowledge of European affairs, personal friendships with many prominent foreign political figures significantly helped Gorchakov in solving complex foreign policy problems. Gorchakov did much to revive Russia's international influence and prestige after the Crimean War.

    Foreign policy program of A.M. Gorchakov was stated in his circular "Russia is concentrating" (1856), in which he emphasized the close connection of foreign and domestic political tasks with the priority of the latter, but about the freedom of action of Russia in protecting its interests. This circular stated that Russia strives for peace and harmony with other countries, but considers itself free from any international obligations, approaches them from the point of view of protecting its national interests and providing favorable conditions for internal development. Gorchakov's statement about domestic policy over foreign policy was dictated by the fact that at that time Russia had to solve complex internal problems through a series of reforms. Somewhat later, in a report to Alexander II on September 3, 1865, Gorchakov wrote: “In the current position of our state in Europe in general, Russia’s main attention should be directed to the implementation of our internal development, and all foreign policy should be subordinated to this main task.” This was the essence of Gorchakov's foreign policy program.

    Created after the Crimean War, the "Crimean System" (the Anglo-Austrian-French bloc) sought to maintain the international isolation of Russia, therefore, first of all, it was necessary to get out of this isolation. The art of Russian diplomacy (in this case, its Minister of Foreign Affairs Gorchakov) consisted in the fact that it very skillfully used the changing international situation and the contradictions between the participants in the anti-Russian bloc - France, England and Austria.

    In connection with the brewing military conflict at the end of the 50s between France and Austria on the Italian issue, the French emperor Napoleon III sought support from Russia. Russia willingly went for rapprochement with France in order to tear it away from the anti-Russian bloc. On March 3, 1859, a secret treaty was concluded between Russia and France in Paris, according to which Russia pledged to remain neutral during the war between France and Austria. Russia also pledged to keep Prussia from intervening in the war. In April 1859, France and the Kingdom of Sardinia declared war on Austria, but Napoleon III's attempt to draw Russia into a military conflict failed, although Russia was interested in weakening Austria. Yet the neutrality of Russia facilitated the victory of France and Sardinia over Austria. The defeat of Austria served as a signal for a revolutionary struggle in Italy for its national unification, which took place in 1861. However, serious complications arose in relations between Russia and France. In 1863 a Polish uprising broke out. Napoleon III defiantly declared his support for the rebellious Poles. The English Cabinet joined his statement. Although the Poles did not receive real help from France and England, the position of France seriously aggravated its relations with Russia. At the same time, the events in Poland contributed to the rapprochement of Russia with Austria and Prussia, who were afraid that the fire of the Polish uprising would not spread to their lands inhabited by Poles.

    For Russia, support from Prussia was especially important, whose role in European affairs in the 60s increased significantly. The Prussian Chancellor Otto Bismarck, who began the reunification of Germany with "iron and blood" (i.e., by military methods) in the mid-1960s, counted on Russia's non-intervention in German affairs, promising in turn to support Russian diplomacy in resolving the issue of abolishing humiliating Russian articles of the Paris Treaty of 1856. When the Franco-Prussian war began in 1870, Russia took a position of neutrality, which ensured the eastern rear of Prussia. The defeat of France in this war led her out of the anti-Russian bloc. Russia took advantage of this circumstance to unilaterally declare its refusal to comply with the restrictive articles of the Paris Treaty of 1856.

    On October 31, 1870, Gorchakov sent a notice to all the powers that had signed the Paris Treaty of 1856, stating that Russia could no longer consider it obligatory for itself to prohibit having a navy on the Black Sea. England, Austria and Turkey protested against this statement by Russia. Some British ministers even insisted on declaring war on Russia, but England alone, without strong allies on the European continent, could not wage this war: France was defeated, and Austria was weakened after the defeat in the 1859 war with France and Sardinia. Prussia proposed to hold in London a conference of the powers that signed the Paris Treaty of 1856. At this conference, Russia announced a revision of the terms of the Paris Treaty. She was supported by Prussia. On March 13, 1871, the participants of the conference signed the London Convention on the repeal of the articles of the Paris Treaty, which forbade Russia and Turkey to build military fortifications and maintain a navy on the Black Sea. At the same time, the convention reaffirmed the principle of closing the Black Sea straits to warships of all countries in peacetime, but stipulated the right of the Turkish sultan to open them to warships of "friendly and allied powers." The abolition of the restrictive articles of the Paris Treaty was a great diplomatic success for Russia. The security of its southern borders was restored, as well as its influence in the Balkans.

    Principles of foreign policy. The collapse of the USSR changed Russia's position in the international arena, its political and economic ties with the outside world. The foreign policy concept of the Russian Federation put forward the priority tasks of maintaining territorial integrity and independence, providing favorable conditions for the development of a market economy and inclusion in the world community. It was necessary to achieve recognition of Russia as the legal successor of the former Soviet Union in the UN, as well as assistance Western countries in the course of reform. An important role was assigned to Russia's foreign trade with foreign countries. Foreign economic relations were considered as one of the means of overcoming the economic crisis in the country.

    Russia and foreign countries. After the August events of 1991, diplomatic recognition of Russia began. For negotiations with Russian President the head of Bulgaria Zh. Zhelev arrived. At the end of the same year, the first official visit of B.N. Yeltsin abroad - in Germany. On the recognition of the sovereignty of Russia, on the transfer of rights and obligations to it former USSR said the countries of the European Community. In 1993-1994 agreements on partnership and cooperation between the EU states and the Russian Federation were concluded. The Russian government has joined NATO's Partnership for Peace program. The country was included in the International Monetary Fund. She managed to negotiate with the largest banks in the West to defer payments for the debts of the former USSR. In 1996, Russia joined the Council of Europe, which dealt with issues of culture, human rights, and environmental protection. The European states supported Russia's actions aimed at its integration into the world economy.

    The role of foreign trade in the development of the Russian economy has noticeably increased. The destruction of economic ties between the republics of the former USSR and the collapse of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance caused a reorientation of foreign economic relations. After a long break, Russia was granted the most favored nation treatment in trade with the United States. The states of the Middle East and Latin America were permanent economic partners. As in previous years, in developing countries, with the participation of Russia, thermal and hydroelectric power stations were built (for example, in Afghanistan and Vietnam). In Pakistan, Egypt and Syria, metallurgical enterprises and agricultural facilities were built.

    Trade contacts have been preserved between Russia and the countries of the former CMEA, through whose territory gas and oil pipelines ran in Western Europe. The energy carriers exported through them were also sold to these states. Medicines, foodstuffs and chemical goods were the reciprocal items of trade. The share of Eastern European countries in the total volume of Russian trade decreased by 1994 to 10%.


    Relations with the CIS countries. The development of relations with the Commonwealth of Independent States occupied an important place in the government's foreign policy activities. In 1993, the CIS included, in addition to Russia, eleven more states. At first, negotiations on issues related to the division of the property of the former USSR occupied a central place in relations between them. Borders were established with those of the countries that introduced national currencies. Agreements were signed that determined the conditions for the transportation of Russian goods through their territory abroad.

    The collapse of the USSR destroyed traditional economic ties with the former republics. In 1992-1995 falling trade with the CIS countries. Russia continued to supply them with fuel and energy resources, primarily oil and gas. The structure of import receipts was dominated by consumer goods and foodstuffs. One of the obstacles to the development of trade relations was the financial indebtedness of Russia from the Commonwealth states that had formed in previous years. In the mid-1990s, its size would have exceeded billions of dollars.

    The Russian government sought to maintain integration ties between the former republics within the CIS. On his initiative, the Interstate Committee of the Commonwealth countries was created with the center of residence in Moscow. Between six states (Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, etc.) a collective security treaty was concluded, the charter of the CIS was developed and approved. At the same time, the Commonwealth of Nations was not a single formalized organization.

    Interstate relations between Russia and the former republics of the USSR were not easy. There were sharp disputes with Ukraine over the division of the Black Sea Fleet and possession of the Crimean peninsula. Conflicts with the governments of the Baltic states were caused by discrimination against the Russian-speaking population living there and the unresolved nature of some territorial issues. The economic and strategic interests of Russia in Tajikistan and Moldova were the reasons for its participation in armed clashes in these regions. Relations between the Russian Federation and Belarus developed most constructively.

    The activities of the Russian government within the country and in the international arena testified to its desire to overcome conflicts in relations with states both far and near abroad. His efforts were aimed at achieving stability in society, at completing the transition from the former, Soviet, model of development to a new socio-political system, to a democratic constitutional state.

    utin medvedev reform government

    Reforms: pension reform (2002), reform of state medical insurance and subsidized drug provision (monetization of benefits - 2005), judicial reform, local government reform, military reform, banking reform (2001-2004), housing and communal services reform; reforms of labor relations, electric power industry and railway transport.

    Adoption of the Land (2001) and Labor Code

    Almost all the reforms initiated by Putin ended in failure in one way or another, or were not brought to their logical end. The need for pension reform arose due to the deterioration of the demographic situation in Russia. The ratio of the number of pensioners to the number of employees is increasing every year, the number of pensioners is growing, and the number of able-bodied population is steadily declining. The pension reform is based on the federal laws in force since 2002 “On labor pensions in the Russian Federation”, “On state pension provision in the Russian Federation”, “On compulsory pension insurance” and “On investing funds to finance the funded part of labor pensions in the Russian Federation” . The reform was supposed to provide the elderly with a decent old age and remove the acute burden of the pension burden on the budget. But the transition to a new system never happened, where pensions would be financed by pension savings and income received from investments. During the entire period of P.'s reign, citizens' pensions remained below the subsistence level. Instead of raising pensions, people learned about the increase in the Unified Social Tax (UST) and the freezing of wage increases for state employees.

    Supermortality continues to persist in Russia. January 1, 1992 - the population is 148.5 million, and January 1, 2010. Already 141.9 million. According to Rosstat, population growth is in line with the norm. The state is pushing to “give birth more”, but this leads to a decrease in the standard of living of the population in a poor country, unsatisfactory maintenance of newborns and their high incidence. The causes of deaths lie in murders, road accidents, a low level of personal safety, as well as low level and quality of life, poor quality medicine and bad ecology. The state budget provided for in 2008. 3 times less Money for health care financing than law enforcement and special services. This speaks primarily of the government's inattention to the health of citizens. The maternity capital program was proposed and introduced in 2007. To maintain the birth rate in the country, promising cash reward, or rather the numbers somewhere on paper. But did it really turn out that way? It is possible to dispose of the funds of maternity (family) capital only after the expiration of three years from the date of birth (adoption) of the child. Thus, real payments began in 2010. In 2001, P. signed a decree on the import of highly toxic nuclear waste into the Russian Federation. As a result, Chelyabinsk, Krasnoyarsk and Tomsk still store about 19 thousand tons and 400 ml. m. cub. waste. Benefits monetization reform. By 2005, Russia maintained a system of benefits for the poor, the main of which was free travel in public transport for pensioners and the military. By this time, the system of benefits began to cause strong dissatisfaction among transport workers, since the state budget compensated for their financial losses in an insufficient amount. Tension gradually built up over several years. In 2004, the state decided to take such a radical step as to replace this benefit, as well as drug benefits, with monetary compensation. The people protested, but numerous rallies and protests remained unanswered. The money that replaced the benefits was only enough for half of the medicines and travel. In January, Putin proposed indexing pensions not from April 1, but from March 1, by at least two hundred rubles. He also instructed to increase the monetary allowance of military personnel. The reason was only one, during this time P.'s rating as president fell from 84% at the beginning of 2004 to 48% at the beginning of 2005.

    Judicial reform. In 2001, President Putin signed into law a package of federal laws on judicial reform. On July 1, 2002, the new Code of Criminal Procedure of the Russian Federation came into force, significantly expanding the powers of the defense counsel: the suspect is allowed to communicate with the lawyer in private and without limiting the number of meetings; if the suspect does not have the means to pay for the services of a lawyer, it must be provided at the expense of the state. In accordance with the requirements of the judicial reform, the irremovability and lifetime appointment of judges are abolished; Judges are appointed initially for three years and may be removed from their duties by decision of the Qualification Commission. A moratorium on the death penalty has also been extended. Starting from 2005, the number of prisoners began to increase, reaching 883 thousand people in 2006 and 888 thousand people in 2007. (for comparison, the maximum number of prisoners in the USSR was 2 million 650 thousand 747 people in 1950). Russia ranks second in the world after the United States in terms of the number of prisoners per 100 thousand people. population. The reform will generally have a beneficial effect on the courts, but the problem of high corruption in the country still remains (already in 2009 we took 146th place), bribery of officials, which hinders the administration of fair justice.

    Local government. Having formed the main economic backbone of the country from people loyal to him, Putin begins to strengthen the "vertical of power". The meaning of all the reforms that took place in 2000-2004 was reduced to the centralization of power. The state is divided into seven federal districts, each of which has its own authorized representative of the President. The reform of the Federation Council, as a result of which the heads of regions could no longer represent their interests in Moscow, and positions became appointed, not elected. The logical continuation of this reform was the abolition of the election of governors, and these positions also became appointed. At the same time, 2 advisory bodies “The State Council of Russia” and the “Public Chamber of Russia” are created, whose duties are to observe rather than help manage the state. All this has increased the dependence of regions and cities on the Kremlin, because “the right people” will sit everywhere, the people no longer decide anything. What kind of democracy in the country can we talk about then?! Instead of vertical power, under P. we get a horizontal one, where 15 groups of influence rule - security officials, officials, liberal economists, lawyers, governors and mayors (Abramovich, Sechin, Oleg Deripiska, etc.).

    military reform. Housing, despite the company "Affordable Housing", became even less affordable during the reign of P. (2000 - 50 sq.m. = average annual income for 6 years, 2008 - for 15 years). Many military families, who already have a small salary, were simply forced to live beyond the poverty line, and besides, pay taxes. Housing had to wait for years, many have not waited until now. They reduced many junior military officers, but this reduction did not affect the high-ranking ones. The term of service and conscription was reduced. On the one hand, this had a beneficial effect on the opinion of young people, but on the other hand, if trouble happens in the country, who will defend it, inexperienced newbies?!

    In 2005 more than $140 billion flowed in from abroad, mostly loans that left with the crisis. Putin's growth model has failed. investments were directed to the modernization of production, the growth of labor productivity, the development of small and medium-sized businesses. Due to the abolition of Gazprom's $4 billion export duties, citizens will pay with an increase in taxes and utility bills. Despite the fact that we supply oil to many countries, we ourselves pay a lot for it. We are very dependent on exports, which gives power not to us over others, but to other countries over us.

    In the 2000s, V.V. Putin signed a number of laws that amended the tax legislation: a flat income tax was established with individuals at 13%, the income tax rate was reduced to 24%, a regressive scale of the unified social tax was introduced, turnover taxes and sales tax were abolished, the total number of taxes was reduced by 3 times (from 54 to 15). In 2006, during the period of tax reform, the tax burden decreased from 34-35% to 27.5%, and the tax burden was also redistributed to the oil sector. The tax reform also increased tax collection and stimulated economic growth. The tax reform is estimated by experts as one of the most serious successes of VV Putin. In October 2001, V.V. Putin signed the new Land Code of the Russian Federation, which fixed the ownership of land (except for agricultural land) and determined the mechanism for its purchase and sale. In July 2002, V.V. Putin signed the federal law “On the turnover of agricultural land”, which authorized the sale and purchase of agricultural land. The average grain harvest in Russia increased from 65 million tons in 1996-2000 to 79 million tons in 2001-2006, grain yield increased by 24% over the same years. Growth in the production of livestock products for 2001-2006 amounted to 16%. Lagging growth rates of agricultural production from the growth rates of real incomes of the population led to an increase in dependence on food imports and world food prices.